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3 6105 117 490 206 






the french 


1789 — 1804 






1797— 1804 








^ Chronological Summary . • . • ii 

* Biographical Note . . • .26 


Opinions, Parties, and Religious Policies before 

THE i8tH of FkUCTIDOR . . . • ^9 

I. The oaths and the parties. — II. The Directorial or 
bourgeois Republicans. — III. The Democrats. Babeuf and 
Babeuvism.'— IV. The Royalists. — ^V. The religious policy : 
the national festivals; Theophilanthropy. — ^VI. The re- 
ligious policy : Catholicism.— VII. The coup ditat of the 
i8th of Fruciidor. 


The Reuqious Policy, Opinions, and Parties after 

THE i8TH of FkUCTIDOR . • . -89 

I. The religious policy : Catholicism. — IL The religious 

policy : the Decadal cult : Theophilanthropy. — III. 

Royalism. — IV. Directorial Republicans and Democratic 

Republicans. The law of the 22nd of Florial of the 



year VI (May ii, 1798).— V. OppositioQ to the Directory. 
The insorrection of the 30th of Prairial of the 3rear VII 
(July iB, 1799)4— VI. Reappearance of the Terror. — 
VII. Resurrectioii of the Jacobins. 



The Fall of the ExBCurrvE Directory . 133 

I. General causes of the coup dHtU of the i8th of 
Brumairc. — II. Popularity of Napoleon Bonaparte. His 
return from Egrpt — III. Preparations for the amp diUU. 
—IV. The " day " of the i8th of Brumairc^V. The xgth 
of Bfuifioiiv.— VI. Suppression and replacement of the 


The Provisional Consulate and the CoNsnTUTioN 
OF the Year VIII • 152 

I. The 18th of Bfumairc and public opinion. — IL The 
policy of the Provisional Consuls. — ^III. The drafting of 
the Constitution of the year VIII. — IV. Analysis of this 
Constitution.— V. The acceptation by plebiscite. 


The Decennial Consulate . . .169 

I. Installation of the public powers. — II. The conditions 
of the Press. — ^III. Administrative organisation. — IV. New 
manners and customs.— V. E£Fects of the victory of 
liarengo in the interior. Crime, proscriptions^ and the 
progress of despotism. 




Thb Rbugious Poucy 192 

I. The S3rsteiii of Separatioii of Church and State under 
the Consulate. The Decadal cult Theophilanthropy. — 

II. The two Catholic sects.-*III. General results of the 
system of Separation.— IV. The causes of the destruction 
of this systenid— V. The Concordat. — ^VI. Application of 
the Concordat— VIL New advantages accorded to the 
Roman Church. 


The Life-Consulate .... 228 

L The plebiscite of the year X.— II. The organic Senatus 
consuUus of the i6th of Thermidar of the year X (August 4, 
1802). — III. Return to monarchical forms. — IV. The Re- 
pubUcan opposition. Military conspiracies. Bonapartism 
among the working-classes. — V. Royalism. — VI. Con- 
spiracies, actual and pretended : Cadoudal, Pichegru, and 
Moreau. The Due d'Enghien.— VII. The establishment 
of the Empire. — VIII. The organic Senatus consulius of 
the 28th of Florial of the year XII (May 18, 1804).— IX. 
Disappearance of the Republic— X. General remarks 
00 the Ftench Revolution. 






.• • 

EVENTS, SEPT., 1797, TO DEC. 2, ' t^oi- 


To avoid too frequent discursion in the following notes it may be 
briefly stated that Napoleon's military exploits, from 1796 to 1799, were 
as follows : 

1796. In March he marries Josephine and sets ont fcx- Italy. Joining 
the French troops near Savona, he fights his way to Milan ; inci- 
dentally forcing Sardinia to cede Nice, Savoy, and Tenda. He 
then beats the Austrians back to the Tyrol, and occupies Verona. 
Mantua is stiU Austrian, and Bonaparte leaves a siege train in 
front of the city while consolidating his conquests. He fails on 
this occasion to get through the Tyrol, but finally reduces 

1797. Mantua. Then, meeting Hoche and Moreau after traversing the 
Tyrol, he makes towards Vienna. Austria sues for peace ; 
ceding, after much delay, Belgium and the lonians, and recognis- 
ing Bonaparte's creation — the Cisalpine Republic — to which 
she cedes Lombardy. Bonaparte retiu-ns to Paris in December, 
having left behind him a Republican North Italy. He is feted 
and honoured by Paris ; but the Directory fears him, and des- 

1798. patches him in May to Egypt, where he beats the Mamelukes 
and occupies Cairo. The French fleet being destroyed by 
Nelson, Bonaparte abandons the idea of an Eastern empire, and 
determines to return through Syria, hoping to overthrow the 

1799. Turks. He is foiled at the long siege of Acre, and returns to 
Egypt There, after defeating the Turks at Aboukir, he hears 
of events in Paris, and, hastily deserting his army, which he 
leaves to Kl6ber, he lands in France in October. In his absence 
Italy is lost ; perhaps its loss during his absence increases his 
prestige. He returns with an extraordinary reputation as a 
totally independent conqueror, an administrator, and a maker of 
States. Largely as a result of his campaigns, France was for a 
time at the head of a number of surrounding Republics, all 

constituted on the same modeL 



• • • 
. • • • 


• • • 


May. The ^bctiohs of the year V (1797) unfortunately result in 
the^hQtof^ of many royalists as well as moderates. Hitherto 
tllQ*Vfrectory and the Councils, consisting largely of ex- 
^nVentionals, all actuated by the desire of giving France 
**•, a good working government, and internal peace and 
/'prosperity, after so much intestine discord and external 
danger, have worked together with great good feeling, and 
with a notable amount of give and take. But the electoral 
assemblies having become swamped by ro3ralists and 
moderates, the elections entirely change the character of 
the Councils, the opposition becoming quickly aggressive. 
20. The Councils open their sittings. Pichegru, a royalist, is 
president of the 500; Barbe-Marbois, another royalist 
leader, of the Elders ; in the Directory Barthelemy, a 
moderate, replaces Le Tourneur. Barthdlemy was absent 
from France throughout the whole Revolution ; he lacks 
an understanding of and Sjrmpathy with its aims. 

Opposition attacks at once begin. The Directory is 
blamed for continuing the war against the Austrians: 
blamed also for the financial situation. The opposition 
demands peace, hoping to get the Republic to disarm ; and 
the liberty of the press, that the Directory may be attacked. 

France, desiring a respite from the expense and deple- 
tion of war, half supports the opposition. But the return 
of priests and imigrh determined upon by the Councils is 
not welcome. 

Jordan, in a f ulsomely sentimental and pseudo-pathetical 
speech, depicts all France as desolated by the loss of her 
church bells. He earns the nickname of Bell-Jordan 
{^Fordan-Carillon), and his campaign fails. 

Emigrant nobles and dissentient priests crowd back to 
France, making no secret of their anxiety to overthrow 
the Revolution. The opposition becomes so obviously 
anti-Revolutionary that the people forsake it 

The Directory and the constitutionalists of '91 form the 
club of Salm, as a rival to the club of Clichy, They 
quietly bring the army of Sambre-et-Meuse, under Hoche, 
close to Paris, thus violating the 36-mile radius. Their 
action being denounced, they feign ignorance or disbelief. 
The two parties, ready to spring, watch one another ; the 
nation watches them. 

The Councils try to gain control of the Ministry by 
dismissing three Ministers — Merlin, Delacroix, and Ramel. 


The Directory dismisses and replaces those in favour with 
the Councils and retains the three named. 

The conflict appears inevitable. The Directory desires 
it, since otherwise it can only postpone its ruin until the 
next elections. It causes the armies to threaten the 
Councils. Bonaparte has Lavalette in Paris to keep him 
informed of all that passes. Augereau too has arrived 
with manifestoes from Bonaparte^s troops, who threaten 
to reach Paris by forced marches and crush the royalists. 
The Councils protest ; and the troops under Hoche are 
moved in to Versailles, Meudon, and "^^cennes. 
July. Hitherto the Councils have t)een by no means eager to 
force the pace, as the next elections might see them 
victorious. Now, however, they begin to prepare. They 
decree the closing of the club of Salmj and the Inspectors 
of the Hall are greatly increased in strength, and the 
guard is placed under their orders. 

Sieyes meanwhile makes an able attack on the Jacobins. 
Lucien Bonaparte terrifies the 500 by a dreadful picture of 

Aug. 10. the return of the Terror. Fouche, at Sieyes' bidding, closes 
the Manhge. The factitious panic does its work; the 
people sway to the moderate side. 

Sept. 3 The Legislative Corps decrees the mobilisation of the 

(17^ of National Guard for the following day, when the Councils 
FrucUdor). will also pass a decree to the efiFect that the army of 
Sambre-et-Meuse must be withdrawn. Three Directors— 
Barras, Reubell, and La Revelliere— are to be impeached. 
Unless this is done, and the other two Directors consent 
to come over to the side of the Councils, the sections, with 
Pichegru to lead them, will march upon the Directory 
at noon. However, Pichegru hesitates, and the idea of 
immediate force is abandoned. 

Barras, La Revelliere, and Reubell decide to strike. 
During the night the troops, under Augereau, quietly enter 
the city and occupy the quays, the bridges, and the 
Champs Elysees. i2/xx> men and 40 pieces of cannon 

Sept. 4. surround the Tuileries. At 4.0 a.m. Augereau demands 

In the gardens of the Tuileries are 800 grenadiers 
—the guard of the Legislative Corps. They do not 
oppose Augereau ; they cheer for the Directory. Augereau 
enters the Tuileries, arresting Pichegru, V^ot, Ramel, 
and the Inspectors of the Hall. Such members of 
the hastily-convoked Councils as arrive later are arrested 


or tnraed away. The Od^on and the School of Medicine 
are appointed as their places of assembly. 

At 6.0 a.m. Paris awakes to find the city in the hands of 
the troops. Ever3rwhere are placards announcing the 
abortion of a dangerous conspiracy. Letters from Moreau 
and Conde containing details of the plot are also printed. 
Paris is exhorted to remain quiet, and in fact does so. 

When the Councils are assembled the Directory hastens 
to give this military coup dliai an appearance of legality. 
A message to the Councils states that had the blow not 
t>een struck that morning, the Republic would have been 
lost : the conspiracy being located in the place of session of 
the Councils. The Council of 500 appoints a Commission, 
consisting of Si6yes, Poulain-Granpre, Villers, Chazal, and 
Boulay, and instructs them to draw up a law d ftMh 
safety. This law is simply an act d ostracism by which 
41 members of the Council of 500 are sentenced to depor- 
tation; II of the Elders; two Directors, Barth6lemy and 
Carnot ; various ex-officials ; and 35 editors or journalists. 
' The elections of 48 departments are declared void. 
Laws favourable to priests and hnigris are repealed. The 
royalist party, in short, is ruined, broken, deprived of its 
weapons. This is its fourth great defeat 

(Of those deported some were sent to the tie de R6 ; 
some further, to Cayenne. Some escaped deportation ; of 
these Camot was one. 

As a result of the coup d'Hat, priests and nobles were 
excluded from the State. Non-juring priests were banished. 
The royalist outlaws ceased to fight Ex-courtiers and ex- 
officials of the Monarchy were banished. Nobles could 
become citizens only after a term of seven years. 

At this period-^towards the end d 1797— the Directory 
reached the sununit of its power. It was victorious in its 
wars, and was now at peace. The treaty of Campo-Formio 
gave France Belgium and Lombardy at the price of a 
part of the Venetian Republic ; a treacherous and a foolish 
bargain, as it left the Austrians a foothold in Italy. 

The congress of Rastadt was to conclude peace with the 
Empire. The Coalition of 1793-3 was a thing of the past. 
Even England treated for peace ; but insincerely. The 
cession of Belgium, Luxembourg, Nice, Savoy, and the left 
bank of the Rhine, and the suzerainty over Genoa, Milan, 
and Holland, was more than unwelcome to the English 
Government Pressed by the opposition, however, it 


despatched a plenipotentiary to France ; tnit the negotia- 
tions were abortive and war continued. 

On the other hand, the Directory had no finances and 
snfiFered from this very peace. Its safety lay in continued 
victories. It dared not disband its huge army. Taxation 
and the reduction of the national debt, which ruined many 
investors, had caused the gravest discontent. Seeking an 
outlet for its military energies, it finally invaded Switzerland 
and Egypt.) 
Dbcbmbbr. Bonaparte returns to Paris; welcomed by the people 
with the wildest enthusiasm ; feted, honoured, and flattered. 


The Directory sees his return with mingled feelings. It 

wbhes for war, and it does not desire his presence. He is 

o£Fered the " army of England " ; but the invasion of Egypt 

is the undertaking actually reserved for him. He sails from 

Mat. Toulon on May 19th, with a fleet of 400 saiL 

The neutrality of Switzerland had already been violated 
in the matter of expelling hnigris. Geneva and Vaud were 
imbued with French republican doctrines. Berne, the seat 
of the old Swiss aristocracy, was the headquarters of the 
hnigfis and a nest of reactionary conspiracies; and the 
policy of the Confederation was largely dictated by Berne. 
Now the Vaudois invite the French to free them from the 
yoke of Berne. This determines the Directory, and war 
breaks out The Swiss are conquered vnih difficulty. 
Geneva is annexed, and the Constitution of the year III is 
forced on the Helvetian Republic ; leaving it the seat of two 
hostile factions. 

Rome is the next State to be created a Republic. A riot, 
ending in the death of General Duphot, excuses this 
measure. France is now at the head of five Republics. 

The elections of this year, however, are not favourable to 
the Directory. The effect of the coup ititai of Fruciidoris to 
break the royalist party. The result is the undue strength 
of the ultra-republican party, which has re-established the 
old clubs under the new style of ConsiiiuUonal Clubs. The 
extreme republicans, strong in the electoral assemblies, have 
to elect no less than 437 deputies : a result of the coup 
dHai of Ffuctidor. The Directoiy, desiring to maintain a 
balance between the revolution and the reaction, and to 
avoid a relapse into Jacobinism, makes use of a law passed 
liy the Councils in the previous spring ; a law permitting 


it to judge the operations of the electors. On tiie 22ad of 
Florlal the majority of elections are annoQed ; tilias fareakiiig 
the power of the eEli'eniists. 


(Henceforth the Directory is no lon^ constitntionai, 
and it has turned opon the two chief parties^ Consequently 
it can hardly last ; and in fact it satisfies no one. It now 
consists of Merlin [Dooai] and Treilhard, both lawyers; 
La Revelliere, absorbed in Theophilanthropy ; Barras, 
treacherons and dissipated; and Reabell, ooorageoos 
but narrow. 

To make matters worse a general war breaks oat again. 
The plenipotentiaries are still negotiating at Rastadt when 
the second Coalition opens the campaign ; Russian troops 
enter Germany and the Austrians advance. The French 
diplomatists receive twenty-four hours' notice and a safe 
conduct. But they have hardly left Rastadt when a party 
of Austrian hussars deUberately attacks them, althou^ 
aware of their identity and the safe-conduct Jean de Bry 
they leave half -dead in the road ; his two colleagues are 
killed outright The Legislative Corps, horrified and 
indignant, declares war. 

But already there has been fighting in Italy and on the 
Rhine, and the Directory, distrustful of Austria, has passed 
a law of conscription, raising 200,000 men. Naples has 
advanced upon Rome ; Sardinia upon Liguria. Both Powers 
were defeated, and the Parthenopian Republic was pro- 
claimed in Naples. Joubert held Turin. By the time the 
general campaign began Italy was reconquered. 

The Coalition attacks France through Holland, Switzer* 
land, and Italy. An Austrian army enters Mantuan territory, 
defeating Scherer. Souvaro£E joins the Austrians ; Moreau, 
replacing Scherer, is also defeated, and retreats in a north- 
westerly direction to join Macdonald in keeping the 
Apennines ; but the latter is overpowered on the Trebia. 
Austria and Russia then turn their attention to Switzerland. 
The Archduke Charles, after defeating Jourdan on the Rhine, 
is joined by some Russian troops and prepares to cross the 
Swiss frontier. The Duke of York lamds in Holland with 
40,000 English and Russian troops.) 

Mat. The elections of the year VII are republican, as were 
those of the year VI. The Directory is unable to stem the 


flood of foreign disasters and domestic discontent Reubell 
retires, and is replaced by Siey^s, an open enemy of 
Directorial methods. Both moderates and extremists 
demand an account of the condition of France. The 
Councils are in permanent session, desiring the dismissal 
of Treilhard, Merlin, and La Revelliere. Barras keeps out 
of the way. 
June i8. Treilhard is deposed on a constitutional point. Merlin 
and La Revelliire finally retire, the Councils being insistent 
They are replaced by the moderate Duces and the republican 
Moulin* This amounts to a coup tt6iat on the part of the 
Councils. The government is thus beyond the pale of 
constitutional law and utterly unsatisfactory to all parties. 

Sieyes, who had been comparatively inactive since 1789, 
felt that his time had come. He knew the army to be the 
only possible instrument of reform ; he sought therefore for 
a soldier. Joubert had been sent to Italy in the hope that 
he might return a second Napoleon. 

Against him in hi^ attack upon the Constitution of the 
year III Siey^ had Gohier and Moulin, the 500, and the 
Manlge, or extremists. Barras, whether in earnest or not, 
was conspiring with Louis XVIII ; and the ro3ralist party 
was awake to its opportunities. Everywhere it looked as 
though the Republic would be defeated. The royalists 
hoped for the appearance of the Coalition and the restora- 
tion of the Monarchy. Already restive under the law of 
hostages and that of compulsory loans, the party took the 
field again in the south and south-west; and the Chouan 
war also revived. 

At this juncture, fortunately for the Republic, the French 
troops begin to recover their losses. 
Sept. 20. Italy is again lost, but Brune foils the invasion of Holland, 
forcing the Anglo-Russian army to re-embark, and Massena 
25. opposes the progress of the Austro-Russian troops across 
Switzerland. Twelve days of able strategy and wonderful 
activity enable him to force the Russians to retreat, after 
beating SouvarofiF and Korsakoff at Zurich. In Italy, how- 
ever, Joubert is killed at Novi, in the course of a defeat. 
Even here, however, the allies are forced back before 

Still Si6yes seeks his general. Moreau is suspect ; Hoche 
and Joubert dead ; Massena only a first-class cavalry man. 
Jourdan and Bernadotte are of the Manege* Sieyes has to 
mark time. 
VOL. IV. 2 


Bat Bonaparte, on his disastrous return from Ssnria, has 
received his budget of news. 
Oct. 9. Hastily leaving his army, he lands at Frejos on October 9th. 
His passage across France is a triumph. Paris fetes him ; 
all seek his favour. Here is an independent conqueror ; 
an administrator ; one who can handle millions, and who, 
most rare of quadities, can leave himself free for greater 
efforts by delegating his authority to the right mem. A 
man to handle almost any situation; perhaps a man 
capable of handling this and Sieyes with it. So Sieyes 
fears. But there is no other choice ; he must have Bona- 
parte with him, for he cannot oppose him. He hangs 
back; their friends bring the two together. 
Nov. 6. On the 15th of Brumaire, Sieyes prepares the Councils by 
means of the Inspectors of the Halls. Bonaparte is to 
sound the troops around Paris, and their generals. An 
extraordinary meeting of the moderates of the Councils is 
arranged. The Councils are to be got out of Paris; the 
rest is for Bonaparte to perform. 
Nov. 9. The secret is kept. On the morning of the i8th of 
(18/A of Brumaire three of Sieyes' henchmen go down to the Elders, 
Brumaire*) who have been convoked by the Inspectors, as arranged. 
The business of the three is to alarm the Elders, or to 
a£Eord an excellent pretext for pretended alarm. It is 
stated that all the roads of France are thick with Jacobins 
making for Paris ; the Revolutionary Government will be 
re-established ; red ruin will return— if the Elders are not 
wise and courageous. 

A fourth conspirator, Regnier, demands a decree ordain- 
ing the removal of the Legislative Corps to Saint-Cloud. 
Bonaparte, appointed to the 17th division of the Army, 
shall superintend their safe removal. The decree is im- 
mediately passed. 

Bonaparte awaits the news in his own house, surrounded 
by general officers. Outside are three regiments of cavalry 
—about to be reviewed. At 8.30 he receives the news. 
The officers draw their swords in token of adhesion to his 
project ; he marches at their head to the Tuileries, takes 
the oath of fidelity at the bar of the Elders, and places 
an officer of his own at the head of the Directorial Guard. 
Siey^ and Ducos hasten to the Tuileries and resign. 
This leaves only three Directors — Barras, Moulins, and 
Gobier. They find that their own Guard is loyal to Bona- 
parte. Barras resigns and goes to his countiy seat 


Only the 500 are left to be reckoned with. The decree 
of the Elders is posted on the walls, as well as a proclama^ 
tion of Bonaparte's. In this he speaks as a master, in a 
way to astonish and alarm the republicans. " What have 
3roQ done,*' he says, * with the France II eft in your hands ? 
I left you at peace, victorious ; I find you at war, de- 
feated " 

Nov. la The Councils proceed to Saint-Cloud ; Sieyes and Ducos 
{iqih of accompany them. Sieyes wishes to arrest all but the 
Brumairc. moderates. Bonaparte is so used to the discipline of camp 
and field that he hardly as yet realises that a revolution 
cannot be efiFected by issuing orders ; he refuses to be a 
party to these arrests. The Elders are to meet in the 
Gallery of Mars; the 500, in the Orangery. The re- 
publicans wait uneasily about the chateau, indignant at the 
display of force. 

At 2 p.m. the Councils assemble. The campaign opens 
in the Orangery, where Lucien Bonaparte presides. 
Gaudin, a Bonapartist, proposes a vote of thanks to the 
Elders for the measures of safety decreed. A violent 
uproar follows. Finally one Delbred proposes the oath 
of fidelity to the Constitution of the year III. The oath is 

Bonaparte, hearing of this scene, hastens to the Elders. 
He complains that he has done their bidding ; yet men are 
execrating him as a Cromwell. Yet, he says, how can 
he ignore his orders ? France has no government at this 
moment ! Four Directors have resigned ; one is under 
police protection. Let the Elders decide what shall be 

Here one Linglet proposes the oath that has just been 
taken in the younger CounciL It is a critical moment : the 
oath once taken, the coup ditat must fail. Bonaparte 
hastily declares that the Constitution does not exist : it is 
dead. Three times has it been over-ridden. All parties 
swear by it, yet violate it. A new social compact is called 
for. The Elders applaud, and rise to their feet in 

Bonaparte now hastens to the other Council, guarded 
by a few grenadiers. At the sight of the waiting bayonets 
the deputies rise to their feet ; the advancing general is 
met with an outburst of cries: ** Outlaw him! Outlaw 
him I Down with the despot I " He is roughly handled ; 
the grenadiers close round him, and he retires, greatly 


agitated by his failure. Political tumult is so far more 
dreadful to him than shot and shell. 

The Council continues its cries of "Outlaw him/" It 
proposes to sit " permanently" ; to return to Paris, guarded 
by part of Bonaparte's own division, conmianded by 
Bemadotte. Lucien Bonaparte resigns his presidency 
and lays down the presidential insignia. 

Bonaparte, surrounded by officers, is still not himself. 
Le Febvre sends a detachment to bring Lucien from the 
Council. Being thus rescued, Lucien mounts by his 
brother's side, and addresses the troops ; declaring that 
daggers have been drawn upon their general in the 
younger Council (a convenient invention); and that the 
majority of the Council is now in bodily fear of a small 
desperate minority. He will enter the assembly with the 
troops; all members who refuse to follow him out are 

Bonaparte himself speaks. It was hoped that the 
younger Council would save the country ; but it is a nest 
of conspiracy directed against him. May he rely on his 
soldiers ? They cheer him ; he gives the order to clear the 
Orangery. The order is executed with fixed bayonets, 
Leclerc crying out that the Legislature is dissolved. At 
5.30 there is neither Council nor Directory. The coup (titat 
of Brumaire is successf uL 

People do not foresee in this coup ditat the end of the 
Revolution, but the restoration of order. The rojralists 
hope that Bonaparte is merely clearing the way for Louis 
XVIII. The proscrit)ed look for amnesties. No one an- 
ticipates a despotism. An exhausted nation looks for 
recuperation and order. Bonaparte the man of action, 
initiative, and ability, seems the man for the times. 
Nov. 12. A Provisional Government is appointed, of three Consuls 
and two Legislative Commissions — drawn chiefly from the 
late conspirators — ^and is entrusted with the formation of 
a Constitution, &c. For three months all parties are 
satisfied. The compulsory loans and the law of hostages 
are abolished to quiet the imigris. Certain shipwrecked 
hnigris are released from prison, but banished; many 
priests return. But 36 extreme republicans are to be 
sent to Guiana, and 21 are placed under supervision. The 
people considers the act unjust ; the Consuls accordingly 
commute the general sentence to one of supervision. 

Meanwhile there is conflict in the Consulate. Sieyes and 



Bonaparte cannot agree as to the Constitation. Sieyis is 
all for institations that shall prevent personal power; 
Bonaparte wishes to rule as a master. Si6yes is in favour 
of the commune, department, and state. His constitution 
of the year VIII. is most able and ingenious, though com- 
plicated. It leaves Bonaparte the position of Grand 
Elector, with a revenue of six million francs, a guard of 
three thousand men, and Versailles for a residence. 
Bonaparte refuses to " fatten like a hog on a few millions." 
Ducos and the Conmiittee of Constitution siding with 
Bonaparte, Sieyes does not insist 
Dbc. 24. In December the Constitution is proclaimed — z. garbled 
wreck of Sieyes' work. The Government consists of three 
Consuls, a Council of State, a Senate, a Legislative Corps, 
and a Tribunate. The Senate is primarily appointed by 
the Consuls ; the Consuls only can propose laws. The 
Senate selects the two lower assemblies from the lists of 
candidates sent in by the nation. There are no more 
electoral assemblies. The people is politically wiped out. 
Bonaparte is first Consul ; Cambaceres second Consul ; 
Lebrun third Consul. Talleyrand is appointed to Foreign 
Affairs ; Fouche to the Police. By employing these four 
Bonaparte hopes to gain a hold over all the parties. The 
Constitution itself is accepted by a plebiscite of over three 
million voters. 

January. About this time the western troubles terminate. The 
leaders of La Vendue capitulate ; the Breton leaders are 
beaten, killed, or have laid down their arms. 

By February all France is quiet. 

Bonaparte makes overtures of peace to England and 
Austria, which are refused, to his secret relief. It is decided 
to continue the war. A proclamation calls the nation to 
arms in the name of honour ; England hopes to degrade 
France; is said to be busily bribing the enemies of 
France, &c. The army of the Rhine (100,000) is under 
Moreau, whose lines are opposed to Kray's. Mass6na is 
with the army of Italy, opposed to Melas. Bonaparte 
leaves Moreau and lilass6na to do their best, and gathers 
a secret reserve near the Swiss frontier. Ostensibly 
Berthier is to command it. Many doubt its existence. 
Moreau having driven back Kray to a certain point, 
Mat. Bonaparte suddenly arrives in Geneva on the 9th of May. 


Taking certain divisions from Morean, be does relieve 
Massena, as was to be expected ; he crosses the Alps by the 
St Bernard pass and cuts ofiF the Austrian line c^ retreat, 
occupying Milan. Establishing himself in Alessandriai 

June 9. the Battle of Marengo is won on the 9th of June. On the 
14. 14th of June Mdlas^ owing to a risky piece of strategy, is 
able to defeat him at Marengo ; when a charge of cavalry, 
together with the return of a column under Desaix, turns 
the defeat to victory. Melas, on the 15th, signs a conven- 
tion abandoning the greater part of Italy ; though had 
he continued the battle it is said that he would have won. 
(Moreauy freed from his instructions, completed the 
Austrian defeat at Hohenlinden in the following 
December, when treaty followed treaty until Napoleon 
could pose as the pacificator of Europe.) 

July 2. Bonaparte is back in Paris in forty days, having regained 
Italy and struck the Austrians an almost mortal blow. The 
enthusiasm of his reception is unbounded. 
14. Bonaparte is present at the Festival of the 14th. 

His policy about this time is to pacify the defeated 
factions by employing them in the State. To leaders who 
abandon their causes he is generous. 

DEa 3. Moreau wins the battle of Hohenlinden. 

In this month Bonaparte narrowly escapes from destruc- 
tion by a Breton-English conspiracy. Some Chouans 
hatch the plot in England. They land in France and 
repair to Paris ; a powder-barrel on a truck is exploded in 
a narrow street, but the fuse is timed a few seconds too late. 
The police attribute the plot to the democrats. 150 are 
deported by a senaius consultus. The true authors, being 
discovered, are executed, being condemned by illegal 
military tribunals. The 130 deported are chiefly Jacobins, 
a party for which Napoleon has an especial enmity. 


Jan. 8. The treaty of Lundville is concluded by the Viennese 
cabinet, the Empire, and Austria. Austria lays down her 
arms, ceding Tuscany to the Duke of Parma. The Empire 
recognises the independence of the Batavian, Helvetian, 
Cisalpine, and Ligurian Republics. 

Feb. 18. By the treaty of FlcMrence, the King of Naples cedes Elba 
and Piombino. 

Sept. The treaty of Madrid is signed on the 29th. 


Oct. The treaty of Paris is signed with Portugal on the 8th. 
Treaties with Rossia and the Porte follow. 

March. The treaty of Amiens completes the pacification of 
Europe. It is signed on the 25th of March. 

The continental Powers thus yielding, England is forced 
for a time to discontinue the war. The Pitt Ministry 
falls. England restores the French colonies and recognises 
French conquests. 

The French navy has been practically annihilated during 
the naval war with England. San Domingo revolting, 
Napoleon loses an army in attempting to subdue the 
revolution. He causes the death of Toussaint I'Ouverture 
by a peculiarly unpleasant piece of treachery. 

During this period Bonaparte has been turning his 
attention to organising internal industry and prosperity. 
Nobles and clergy are allowed to return to France. Dis- 
sentient priests may resume their functions and draw their 
stipends by taking the oath. An act of pardon affects all 
but actual supporters of the Pretender. 

Bonaparte travels through the departments ; builds roads 
and bridges, and cuts canals. He also gives attention to the 
civil, penal, and commercial codes. Civilisation makes 
enormous strides ; comfort and prosperity are the keynotes 
of French life. 

(During this period Bonaparte conceives three projects : 
(i) To organise religion — to establish the Church (probably 
with a view to his coronation when Emperor). (2) To 
create the Legion of Honour — an organised military order 
permeating the Army. (3) To increase his own personal 
power— for life, if possible. He Uves in the Tuiieries, and 
gradually gathers a Court about him. Negotiations with 
Pius VII result in the Concordat, and the creation of 
chapters, bishoprics, and archbishoprics. The Church is 
established under the monarchy of the Pope.) 

Bonaparte finding himself forced to break with the 
constitutional party, the more energetic tribunes are dis- 
missed by a senaius consuUus, leaving only eighty. At the 
same time the Legislative Corps is similarly purged, leaving 
Bonaparte in the position of an uncontrolled despot. 
April 6. Bonaparte proposes the Concordat. The project is adopted 
by the Assemblies. Sunday is re-established. 

The Concordat is celebrated in Notre Dame with great 


pomp. The first Consol arrives in a ooach belonging to 
the Court of Louis XVI. 
Mat 6. On the motion of Chabot, proposing that Bonaparte shall 
be signally honoured by the nation, a senaius amsultus 
appoints him Consul for a further period of ten years. 
Bonaparte, it is found, is not satisfied. 
13. The Legion of Honour is instituted. 
JDLY 16. The Concordat is signed in Paris. 

Aug. 2. The Senate, upon the decision of the two lower assemblies, 
and with the consent of the nation as expressed in a plebis- 
cite, passes a decree appointing Bonaparte for tiife. A 
statue of Peace is to be erected in his honour. 
4. A senaius consuUus makes permanent the Consular Con- 
stitution, thus excluding the people from the state politic. 
Electors are chosen for life. 

15. The Concordat is ratified in Rome. 

16. Elba is annexed. 
Sept. 16. Piedmont is annexed. 

Oct. 9. Parma is annexed (the Duke having died). 

21. Bonaparte marches 30,000 men into Switzerland, to 
support a federative act regulating the cantonal consti- 
tutions. This gives England a pretext for the rupture of 
peace. Bonaparte also is eager for another war, in order 
to increase his power. England has formed the Third 

Mat 13. After much negotiation of an unfriendly nature, the British 
Ambassador in Paris leaves for England on the 13th. 
26. By the 26th the French are in Hanover. The old Empire, 
nearly moribund, does not resist. In the meantime 
Bonaparte is making preparations for the invasion of 


The resumption of hostilities revives the hopes of the 
Chouans. Once more a conspiracy is formed, and en- 
couraged by the English Cabinet. Cadoudal and Pichegru 
I arrange to land on the French coast and proceed to Paris. 
I Moreau is implicated. 
FEa* In the middle of February the conspirators are arrested. 
I Cadoudal is executed ; Pichegru is found strangled in 
' prison ; Moreau, of whom Bonaparte is somewhat jealous, 
- is exiled. 


March. Bonaparte, wishing further to cripple the royalists, sends 
a squadron of cavalry to abduct the Due d'Enghien from 

15. the castle of Ettenheim in Baden. Accused of directing 
the conspiracy, he is tried and shot in the trenches of 

His escape renders Bonaparte's person dearer to the 
Army and the people. He is overwhelmed by congratu- 
latory addresses. 

27. The Senate, hearing of the plot, sends Francois at the 
head of a deputation, imploring Bonaparte to " perpetuate 
himself" ; and asking him to s ettle the ins t itution s and 
mark out the destinies of France. 
April 25. Bonaparte replies from Saint-Cloud that he wishes the 
Senate to communicate its ideas on the subject of "the 
supreme hereditary magistracy." 
May 3. The Senate replies that, the interests of France will be 
promoted by confiding the government to Bonaparte as 
hereditary Emperor. 

Curee opens the debate on the subject in the Tribunate. 
Only Carnot opposes his motion. Bonaparte's monarchical 
and anti-Republican institutions being established, he can 
safely accept the supreme power. The Senate, Tribu- 
nate, and Legislative Corps all agreeing, the Empire 

18. is proclaimed at Saint-Cloud on May i8th. A senaius 
consultus modifies the Constitution. Princes, marshals, 
chamberlains, &c., must be created. The liberty of the 
press exists no longer. The Tribunate and the Council 
of State will meet in secret. Berthier, Murat, Moncey, 
Jourdan, Massena, Augereau, Bernadotte, Soult, Brune, 
Lannes, Mortier, Ney, Davoust, Bessieres, Kellermann, 
Le Febvre, Perignon, and Serurier are created marshals. 
Joseph and Luden Bonaparte are styled princes of the 
Imperial family. Pope Pius VII comes to France to 
perform the ceremony of coronation. 
Dbg. 2. At last, after months of preparation, Napoleon is crowned 
Emperor in Notre Dame and anointed by the Pope. 
For ten years the government of France remains despotic 




The Prstbndbr. 

Stanislas Xavier Louis, Icnown as Louis XVIII, was a 

younger brother of Loais XVI. Born on November 17, 1755, he was 
known as the Comte de Provence. He married, in 1771, Marie 
Josephine Louise, daughter of Victor Amadeus III, King of Sardinia. 
He is the prince referred to as Monsieur in the test. 

A hopeless reactionary, opposing every measure of reform, he was 
one of Louis XVFs bad angels. He left Paris on the night of the flight 
to Varennes, and, making for Lille, took refuge in Belgium. From 
Coblentz, where he and his brother, the Comte d'Artois, held a kind of 
court, the two issued royalist proclamations, which made Louis XVFs 
position more than ever uncomfortable. 

Louis XVIII was with the hnigrSs who accompanied the Prussians 
on the occasion of Brunswick's manifesta 

After the death of Louis XVI, the Comte de Provence proclaimed 
the Dauphin king. Upon the reported death of the latter in 1795 he 
proclaimed himself king. From that year until 1807 he frequently 
changed his place of residence, being often compelled to do so by 
Napoleon's enmity ; but in 1807 he settled in England. On April 26, 
1814, he landed at Calais, under the protection of the allied armies. 
The Empress regent, upon the ascendancy of the legitimist party, was 
put aside for a provisional government ; and Louis XVIII claimed 
almost absolute power. He then granted a constitution establishing a 
House of Peers and a Chamber of Deputies ; and the ancien rigime 
was resumed with all its evils. The clergy and aristocracy, as was 
to be expected, were easily able to influence Louis and persuade him 
to a persecution of their opponents. Consequently Napoleon was 
eagerly welcomed on his return from Elba. Louis and his family fled 
to Belgium until the fall of Napoleon. From Cambrai he acknow- 
ledged his errc»-s, and promised an amnesty. The rest of his reign was 


a time of disorder, persecntion, and massacre. Upon his return he 
was advised to dissolve the Chamber of Deputies, which was hopelessly 
reactionary and fanatical; the result was a series of royalist con- 
spiracies against him and his constitution. Nobles and priests 
gathered mobs of assassins and massacred the Protestant and 
revolutionary opposition in the provinces. 

Louis died in September, 1829^ His brother, the Due d'Artois, 
succeeded as Charles X. 


Napoleon Bonaparte, second son of Carlo Buonaparte and his 
wife Letizia de RamolinOj both of Ajaccio, Corsica, was bom on 
August 15, 1769. Ten years later he was sent to the Royal Military 
College of Brienne le Chateau; after five years he proceeded to the 
Military School of Paris. Next year (1785) he was commissioned as 
second lieutenant in the artillery, and for some time was on garrison 
duty, spending his leave in Corsica. His father died in 1785. On the 
outbreak of the Revolution he first saw service in Corsica ; his ambition at 
the age of twenty seems to have been to play the part of local patriot 
and hero. Joining Paoli's party, he was afterwards elected colonel of 
the National Volunteers of Ajaccio. An attempt to seize that town 
failing, he returned to France. He had broken leave ; but revolution- 
ary officers were needed, and his commission was restored. Again he 
returned to Corsica, and took part in an expedition upon Sardinia, 
which failed. The French Government now attempting to crush 
Faoli and the patriot party. Napoleon (presumably seeing that his 
future lay in France, rather than in a futile struggle against her, and 
perhaps frightened by the temporary loss of his commission) now 
attempted to seize Ajaccio for the French. Failing again, and so 
making Corsica impossible for himself, he and aU his family took 
refuge in France. 

A curious, half -educated youth of scant and uneven culture, but able 
in his profession of artillery ; of a mathematical, logical, and cynical 
type of mind, endowed with the hardy egoism of the island feudist, 
and a precocious knowledge of men drawn from years of brooding 
observation of his richer fellow-students and officers; capable of 
intense application and patience ; it is probable that personal ambition 
led to an early conception of the role he intended to play. For the 
time being, however, there was nothing better to do than to serve 
under Carteaux ag^nst the rebellious Marseillais of Avignon, with the 
younger Robespierre on the spot as deputy on mission. Presently 
promoted as battalion leader, he served brilliantly at Toulon, and was 
the anthor of the plan which resulted in its capture. Promoted again, 
to the rank of brigadier, he then had a brief eclipse ; lately a Jacobin, 


with the younger Robespierre at his side sending reports to Paris, the 
9th of Fructidor was likely to be dangerous to him. However, he was 
ofiFered a command of infantry in the Western Army. It is significant 
that he refused it, at the cost of being removed from the list of active 
generals. He thought of going to Turkey, in order to reorganise the 
artillery service ; but Barras, who had marked him at Toulon^ 
appointed him second in command of the army of the Interior on the 
12th of Vendhniaire, Next day he was virtually, for the time, military 
commander of Paris, and repelled the sections in their attack upon the 

A man of decisive action, who knew his mind and had command of 
military power, was not a wholly convenient person at that time. 
Barras, too, had spoken highly of Napoleon's talents. Some four 
months later he was given his first great command — that of the army 
of Italy. On March 9th he married Josephine Tascher de la Pagerie, a 
Creole, widow of General Vicomte Alexandre de Beauhamais. Two 
days later he left for Italy. By impressing his army, isolated and far 
from troublesome commissioners, with the hope of plunder and 
personal advancement, he gained a weapon for his own ambition ; 
while he himself began his career as a bold and independent 
administrator and maker of States ; disobeying the Directory almost 
completely, and keeping it contented and demoralised by a continual 
stream of wealth in the shape cf "contributions" from conquered 
States, and works of art. His further career until the beginning of the 
Empire is to be fouad in the text. 




I. The oaths and the parties. — II. The Directorial or bourgeois 
Republicans. — III. The Democrats. Babeof and Babeuvism.— 
IV. The Royalists.— V. The religious policy: the national 
festivals : Theophilanthropy.— VI. The religious policy : Catho- 
lidsoL^VIL The coup ditat of the i8th of FrucUdor. 


The series of civic oaths established by Utw under the 
Directory gives an excellent idea of the vicissitudes of 
circumstances and of public opinion. 

On the 23 rd of Nivdse of the year IV the law which 
ordered the celebration of " the anniversary of the just 
punishment of the last king of the French " enacted 
also that on this day the members of the two Councils^ 
" individually, and from the tribune, should swear their 
hatred of royalty." On the 19th of Ventdse following 
all the members of the constituted authorities were com- 
pelled to take the same oath imder penalty of deporta- 
tion. On the 24th of Nivdse of the year V, in order 
to g^ve the oath to be taken on January 21st " such a 
character as would simultaneously confirm the hatred of 
the French of the monarchical system and of anarchy, 
and their attachment to the Republic and the Constitu- 
tion/' the formula was modified as follows : '" I swear 
that I hate royalty and anarchy, I swear attachment 


and fidelity to the Republic and the Constitution of 
the year III." On the 30th of Ventdse of the year V 
each elector, m the electoral assemblies, was compelled 
to make the following declaratiixi : ** I promise my 
attachment and fidelity to the Republic and the C<mi- 
stitution of the year III. I undertake to defend them 
with all my might against the assaults of royalty and 
of anarchy." The revolutionary law of the 19th of 
Fractidor of the year V (Article 32) substituted for 
this promise the oath established by the law of the 
24th of Nivdse of the year V. On the 12th of 
Thernddor of the year ^I this new form of oath 
was introduced : " I swear fidelity to the Republic 
and the Constitution of the year III. I swear to oppose 
with all my might the re-establishment of royalty in 
France and of every kind of tyranny.*' 

Thus, in the year IV the oath expressed merely 
hatred of royalty ; in the year V it also expressed 
hatred of anarchy (which means the democratic 
Republic) ; in the year VII it no longer expresses this 
hatred of anarchy. Here we see clearly the oscillations 
of general politics and of public opinion. At the outset 
of the Directory the anti-royalist reaction which set 
in after the day of the 13th of Vendindaire was pre- 
dominant. Then came the affair of Babeuf and the 
affair of the camp of Crenelle ; these led to an anti- 
democratic movement. Finally, at the time of the 
military losses in the year VII, there was a return to 
the forms of the Terror. 

The great majority of Frenchmen capable of 
forming an opinion found themselves, on one pretext 
or another, able to accept these oaths, the succession 
and diversity of which enlighten us as to the general 
progress of the political revolution. 

This was exactly what the Legislature had hoped for 
in establishing them ; it hoped in this way to institute 
some kind of imity of opinion in France, or at least 


to compel the oppositions of the Right and Left to take 
refuge in abstention from political life^ rather than lie 
to their own consciences. This hope was disappointed ; 
the oppositions resigned themselves to taking the 
oaths ; these were finally regarded as mere formalities 
binding no man to anything. There was a little more 
hypocrisy in political manners, and rather more scepti- 
cism ; the opposing parties had to disguise themselves, 
but did not cease to exist nor to act. 

This disguise, transparent though it was at the time, 
nevertheless adds to the obscurity and the confusion 
of a retrospective aspect of the parties and of their 
current opinions. Even to distinguish royalists from 
republicans one must look very closely. From 1798 
to 1799 all Frenchmen, with rare excepticHis, styled 
themselves republicans. Some did so from conviction, 
because they really were republicans ; others out of 
fear, on account of the law of the 27 th of Qerminal 
of the year IV ; > others as a matter of reason and of 
patriotism, because the Republic alone, the only form 
of government at that time possible, could ensure the 
independence of France and prevent the return of the 
ancien rigime. Frenchmen were almost unanimous, 
firstly, in desiring military victories and peace, secondly, 
in wishing to maintain the Revolution. 

Save when they throw off the mask, taking up arms 
in PoitoUy Brittany, or Normandy, or where they are 
surprised in conspiracy, the royalists are extremely 
difficult to distinguish. But we may safely call royalists 
all whose words and actions tended to destroy all the 
principles of the Revolution, and to discredit all the 
men of the Revolution. 

It is still more difficult to perceive in what the repub- 
licans differ among themselves . We see clearly enough 
that some defend the Directory while others attack 
it ; but they are not always consistent ; the member 

' Forbidding the proposal of the '' agrarian law.** 


of the opposition oa the Left will be " Directorial " 
to-morrow, or was so yesterday. But both have a com- 
mon meeting-ground, to which they incessantly return 
after their quarrels, there to march side by side. I 
mean that Directorials and anti-Directorials are all, 
to use the modem phrase, anti -clerical. They are in 
complete agreement as to the institution of the lay 
State ; as to the importance of preventing the Catholic 
religion from becoming dominant, and of developing 
rationalism by the progress of education and the 
celebration of non -religious festivals. 

No republican was at that time " clerical." Even 
those who, while styling themselves republicans, de- 
manded a better position for the Catholic Church, did 
not require that the Church should resume the privi- 
leged position it occupied before 1789. They were 
royalists (Vend^eans, Chouans, or imigris)^ who made 
such demands ; but not all royalists made them. 

It was the religious question which increasingly 
separated the royalists and the republicans. But it did 
not divide the republicans against themselves. 

The question which did divide the republicans was 
that of political and social equality. There were 
bourgeois and democratic republicans. But the frontier 
between these two parties, the limits of their camps, 
were not well defined. There was a continual flux of 
persons and ideas. Their programmes were indefinite, 
their words were not ingenuous. The bourgeois or 
Directorial republicans did not call themselves anti- 
democratic ; some of them did not believe themselves 
so. Faithful to the ideas of the philosophers, they saw 
the people only in that portion of the population which 
enlightenment and comparatively easy circumstances 
rendered independent ; this portion of the people was 
for them the true people, and the government of this 
people was democracy." The democratic republicans 
' It was in honour of this "true people" that a "festival of he 


did not definitely demand the re-establishment of 
universal suffrage. Sometimes^ when they summoned 
up courage to defy the law of the 27th of Qerminal 
of the year IV, or were skilful enough to elude it, they 
demanded the Constitution of 1793 ; but without insist- 
ing on universal suffrage. It would seem that while 
disowning the system of Terrorism they dreamed of 
a return to the forms of the year II ; of the reconstitu- 
tion of a state of things in which distinguished men, 
in Paris, would govern France by means of the breech- 
less mob. If they did not definitely cry out for the 
universal suffrage, it was because they saw that the 
people were not eager to exercise electoral rights ; 
they hardly seemed aware, indeed, that they had been 
deprived of the rights in question. What did they 
want to-day? Simply a condition of general welfare. 
Seeing them sensible only of their own interests, the 
democrats allied themselves with the socialists (Babeu- 
vists, equalitarians, communists) on two separate occa- 
sions — in the year IV and in the year VII . 

To sum up : between 1795 ^md 1799 we can distin- 
guish three parties, if we can give the name to groups 
of men of whom neither the personal composition, nor 
the boundaries, nor the programme was definitely! 
determined : the bourgeois or Directorial republicans, I Tf 
the democratic republicans, and the royalists. / 


The boargeoiSt Directorial republicans are properly 
the partisans of the Constitution of the year III. Cer- 
tainly the other parties also uphold the Constitution, 
except in times of sedition ; but only as a matter of 
tactics ; the royalists make use of it to reproach the 
democrats, and vice versd. The Directorial republi- 

Sovereignty of the People" was instituted in the year VI. See 
farther on. 

VOL. rv. 3 


cans uphold it and love it for itself, so to speak, because 
they stand by the property-owners' suffrage, in which 
they see the basis, the means and form of their 
conservative-liberal policy. 

This policy is liberal in so far as it tends to re- 
establish the liberty suspended by the revolutionary 
Dictatorship ; the first words of the Directory in its 
first prockunation are : Resolved to maintain liberty 
or to perish. 

It is conservative in that it seeks to maintain the 
institution of property, threatened by Babeuf . Property 
being the basis of society as now established, to main- 
tain property is to uphold and preserve society. 

The words which express these policies are now 
entering into common usage. 

The word ** conservative •* is the oldest. It dates 
from the time when the Constitution of the year III was 
formed. We read, in a report of the 5th of Messidor 
of the year III, concerning the public opinion of Paris : 
*• All are sighing for a powerful government dear to 
those who wish to conserve^ and feared by the per- 
verted multitude whose order is disorder." In another 
report, dated the i8th of the following Thermidor^ we 
read that the Parisian public is demanding " a tutelary 
and conservative government, in the shadow of which 
every one can live without trouble." From this time 
the word enters into the jargon of political life. Thus 
on the 1 8th of Florial of the year VI, before the Five 
Hundred, Jean de Bry regrets that the last elections 
were not ** republican and conservative." In his procla- 
mation of the 19th of Brumaire of the year VIII, at 
eleven o'clock at night, Bonaparte says : " Conservative, 
tutelary, and liberal ideas have regained their former 
place (have re-entered into their rights)." 

As for the word liberal^ this proclamation of Bona- 
parte's is the first text I have come across in which 
the word is used in the sense of what is favourable to 


dvil and political liberty. But Bonaparte would not 
employ a neologism in a proclamation ; hence the word 
liberal had for some time already been employed and 
understood in this sense. 

This conservative -liberal party differed from the con- 
servative party such as we afterwards see it under 
Louis -Philippe in this : that although it based society 
upoD property, it did not base it upon religion. 

Ardently anti -clerical, it desired, as I have said, and 
will now repeat, to realise the secular state ; to govern 
by means of reason. It was frankly republican. 
Although it would have nothing to do with universal 
suffrage, it did desire to preserve some of the forms 
and customs of the democracy of the year II. For 
instance, it rigidly maintained the republican calendar, 
and made its employment obligatory to all Frenchmen. 
It proscribed the word monsieur and ordered the em- 
ployment of the word citizen. It made the wearing of 
the cockade compulsory, even for women. It republi- 
canised the names of streets. > It compelled the directors 
of theatres to have republican songs chanted. It 
organised and celebrated, with extreme pains, the anni- 
versary festivals of the death of Louis XVI. It sur- 
rounded France with republican allies : the Dutch, 
Swiss, Cisalpine, Roman, and Parthenopean Republics. 
Above all, it brought about the coup d^itat of the 
1 8th of Fructidor. One of its members only— Barras — 
was regarded as being secretly a royalist ; but only 
towards the end of his Directorial career ; not because 
his relations with the Pretender — if he ever had any — 
had ever appeared in the words and actions of the 
Directory, which exhibited, from the year IV to the 

« Paris pendant la riaciion, vol. iii. p. 60 ; vol. iv. pp. 67, 512 ; vol. v. 
pp. 42, 55, 61, 228. In Florial of the year VI the central bureau of the 
canton of Paris, without fear of ridicule, saw to it that in drinking bars, 
&c., the proprietors should no longer offer "March" beer, but 
Germinal beer (vol. iv. p. 664). 


year VIII, a republicanism as ardent as that which had 
appeared in the words and actions of the Committee of 
Public Safety. 

The bourgeois republican party had a club, the Con- 
stitutional Club (or cercle), which, on the morrow of 
the reactionary elections of the year V, affirmed, by 
the mouth of Riouffe, its anti -Terrorist, anti -royalist, 
and anti-clerical opinions : 

" O Terror," said RioufFe (on the 9th of Messidof), " thou who didst 
so deeply plunge thy dagger into the heart of the young, growing 
Republic; thou whose lamentable effects have outlived thee in so 
bitter a manner, giving rise each moment to obstacles and dangers 
which obstruct republican feet ; thou, whose venom is found in all the 
plagues of the republic ; thou monster composed of anarchy, brigand- 
age, tyranny, and royalism : we consign thee to the execration of the 
ages I Never strive to stretch thy bloody mantle over the republicans, 
to stifle them ; in vain ; they fling it off ! " 

But the royalist peril was greater and more pressing 
than the Terrorist peril ; and at this period, according 
to Riouffe, it assumed the form of a league, a con- 
spiracy of anti -philosophical writers. They sought to 
** plxmge the people back into the midst of superstitions 
in order to give them back to slavery " ; to lead the 
peasants to feudality and servitude and the burden 
of tithes, by means of the mass and the sound of bells. 
The Constitutional Club was accordingly about to 
undertake a propaganda against the clerical reaction.' 

This party was the ruling party ; but it was unable 
to govern by itself alone. It was obliged to lean in 
succession, and according to the circumstances, upon 
the democratic republicans and the monarchists in dis- 
guise ; hence the term, the " see -saw policy " of the 
Directory. However, it leaned more often to the left 
than to the right ; firstly, because the men of the left 
were its natural allies in its anti-clerical policy ; and 

* Discours lu au Cercle constitutionel U 9 Messidor an V, par Honari 


secondly, because on accasion, in the case of military 
reverses, the democratic republicans alone were capable 
of evoking a popular patriotic movement against the 
foreigner allied with the royalists. 


Those whom we call democratic republicans, and 
who were then stigmatised as Jacobins, anarchists, or 
Terrorists, were so uncertain of what they desired, and 
so little sustained by public opinion, that they hesitated 
to style themselves democrats, or to call themselves 
the democratic party. In the year IV they called them- 
selves " exclusively patriots of '89," or " patriots par 
excellence '' ; and, shortly afterward, -* the patriots of 
*92.** At that time their adversaries used to call them 
'• the Exclttsivesy A police report of the ist of 
Thermidor' oi the year V mentions, among other poli- 
tical caricatures, the following : -* The Exclusive, a 
man of sinister aspect, in the attitude of the Farnese 
gladiator, holding before him a dagger on which is 
inscribed : Fraternity ; in his other and foremost hand 
a levelled pistol, on the lock of which is the legend 
Liberty; sticking out from his pocket are warrants, 
and a legend reading 2nd September.'* Up to the 
period of the Consulate the police often employed the 
word *• exclusives " to denote the opposition of the Left, 
which we now call the republican -democratic party. 

They formed a party long without a head, since the 
leading democrats had perished on the scaffold. Their 
leaders in the year IV were well known, but not of the 
first rank ; notably F^lix Le Peletier (brother of the 
Conventional assassinated in January, 1793), and Anto- 
nelle ; two ex-nobles, of whom the latter was extremely 
wealthy. At the outset of the Directory there were 
hardly any republican-democrats in the Legislature. 
They attempted, almost immediately, to reconstitute the 





old Jacobin Club, by founding the Pantheon Club, and 
another, the Reunion. The " Panthtonists " were of 
most importance. In Frinuure of the year IV they 
numbered 934. They tried to influence the depart- 
ments. As the Constitution (Article 362) prohibited 
correspondence between clubs and societies, they solved 
their difficulty by meeting nightly at the Caf^ Chretien, 
and by writing, as habitual customers of the caf^, to 
the *• exclusives •' of the provinces. 

The Panth^onists had no very definite programme. 
They urged the Directory to take severer measures 
against the royalists ; and above all they demanded 
remedies for the sufferings of the people : the words 
subsistence^ famine^ were always on their lips. 

At the Caf6 Chr6tien they were more violent without 
being more definite. Robespierre was eulogised there ; 
and they read the journal of Babeuf, who demanded 
that the Directory should effect a coup-tVitat directed 
against the royalists. 

We have seen that the Directory, by the order of the 
8th of Ventdse of the year IV, closed the Pantheon and 
some other clubs. 

Forced to conceal themselves, the democrats began 
to conspire together ; and, as the people of Paris were 
troubled as to matters of provisions, as life in Paris 
was becoming extremely expensive, a portion of Paris 
made an alliance with Babeuf. 

There was a " Babeuvist " conspiracy, which was 
betrayed by a certain Grisel, an agent provocateur. On 
the 2 1 St of Florial of the year IV the Directory haxl 
the leaders arrested : Babeuf, Buonarroti, Darth^, 
Germain, and Drouet.> Various ex-Conventionals were 

^ On the same day, in order to deprive the democrats of their 
leaders, a law was passed which forbade ex-Conventionals to reside 
or stay in the department of Seine unless they exercised public 
functions in that department. All ex-functionaries, all discharged or 
pensioned soldiers, all accused of emigration, all strangers, and persons 


involved : DroUet, Laignelot, Amar, Vadier, Robert 
Lindet, Ricord. The leading democrats were also im- 
plicated : F^lix Le Peletier, Antonelle, the ex -General 
Rossignoly &c. 

The origin of this conspiracy was a " Society of 
Equals '* formed in the prisons, during the Thermi- 
dorian reaction, through the influence of Babeuf, with 
a view to effecting an alliance between the democrats- 
and the socialists ; there was here, as we shall see, 
the outline of the formaticm of a radical -socialist party.. 

The papers seized at the conspirators' houses showed 
that they had formed a ** secret Directory of Public 
Safety," composed of Babeuf, Antonelle, Sylvain 
Mar^chal, and Buonarroti, and a kind of " Military 
Conmiittee," consisting of Fyon, Germain, Massart, 
Rossignol, and Grisel. The democratic ex-Conven- 
tionals were sounded. There was a meeting at Drouet's 
on the 19th of Florial of the year IV ; the ex-Con- 
ventionals hesitated, and did not commit themselves. 
However, the very composition of the ** secret 
Directory '* shows that there was an alliance between 
the Babeuvists and some of the democrats. The Con- 
stitution of 1793 ^^s the watchword and the bond of 

The documents especially inform us as to what was 
Babeuf's doctrine, and what was the object of the 

Firstly there is a written document entitled : 
Analysis of the Doctrine of Babeuf ^ which was printed 

affected by the amnesty of the 4th of Brumaire of the year IV, were 
similarly inhibited, unless they obtained a permit of residence from 
the IMrectory. Those who did not obtain such permits were obliged 
to quit the department under three days, removing at least ten leagues 
from Paris, under penalty of deportation. On the 5th of Prairial 
following this law was extended to ex-Vendeeans and amnestied 
persons. The law of the aist of Florial was abrogated by those of the 
9th of Pratrial and the nth of Messidor of the year V. 


and posted up. Babeuvism is very lucidly summed up 
in the following fifteen Articles : 

" I. Nature has bestowed on every man an equal right to the enjoy- 
ment of all goods. 

**2. The end of society is to defend this equality, often attacked by 
the strong and the wicked in a state of nature, and to augment, by the 
collaboration of all, the common happiness. 

"3. Nature has imposed on every man the obligation o^ labour ; no 
one, without crime, can abstain from work. 

"4. Work and happiness should be in common. 

"5. There is oppression where men are exhausted by work and yet 
lack everything, while others wallow in abundance without doing any- 

"6. No one can without crime appropriate exclusively the fruits of 
the earth or of industry. 

"7. In a true society, there should be neither rich nor poor. 

" 8. The rich who will not part with their superfluity in favour of the 
indigent are the enemies of the people. 

"9. No one, by the accumulation of all the means thereof, may 
deprive another of the instruction requisite to his happiness; in- 
struction should be in conmion. 

" la The end of the Revolution is to destroy inequality and to es- 
tablish the common happiness. 

"11. The Revolution is not at an end, because the rich absorb aU 
goods of every kind and are in exclusive domination, while the poor 
labour as actual slaves, languishing in poverty, and are nothing in the 
eyes of the State. 

" 13. The Constitution of 1793 is the true law of the French, because 
the people have solemnly accepted it ; because the Convention had 
not the right to alter it ; because, in order to do so, it has shot down 
the people who demanded its execution ; because it has driven out and 
beheaded the deputies who did their duty in defending it ; because the 
fear of the people and the influence of the imigris greatly influenced the 
drafting and the pretended acceptance of the Constitution of 1795, 
which did not receive a fourth part of the suffrages given to that of 
1793 ; because the Constitution of 1793 ratified the inalienable right of 
each citizen to consent to the laws, to exercise political rights, to 
assemble, to demand what he believes useful, to educate himself, and 
not to die of hunger ; rights which the counter-revolutionary act of 
1795 has completely and openly violated. 

" 13. Every citizen is required to establish and defend the will and 
welfare of the people in the Constitution of 1793. 


" 14. All powers emanating from the pretended Constitution of 1795 
are ille^ and counter-revolutionary. 

" 15. Those who have raised their hand against the Constitution 
of 1793 are guilty of UsC'tnajesU against the people." 

In another doounent, the Manifesto of Equals^ a 
pretence was made of not violating the law of the 27 th 
of Germinal of the year IV, which forbade the pro- 
posal of the Agrarian Law. 

" The Agrarian Law, or the partition of the soil, was the unpremedi- 
tated desire of a few unprincipled soldiers, of a few groups of people 
moved by instinct rather than by reason. We intend something more 
sublime and more equitable ; the common good or community of goods. 
No more individual ownership of land : the earth is no man*s. We 
demand, we desire the comfortable enjoyment of the fruits of the 
earth ; its fruits are every man's** ' 

Finally, there was a third document, emanating from 
the " Insurrectionary Committee of Public Safety,"' and 
entitled Act of Insurrection. This gave an account 
of what was about to be done. Here are som^ portions 
of it: 

Article 10: "The two Councils and the Directory, usurpers of 
popular authority, will be dissolved. All the members composing 
them will be immediately judged by the people." 

Article 18 : " Public and private property is placed in the custody of 
the people." 

Article ig : " The duty of terminating the Revolution and of bestow- 
ing on the Republic liberty, equality, and the Constitution of 1793 will 
be confided to a national assembly, composed of a democrat for each 
department, appointed by the insurgent people upon the nomination 
of the insurrectionary Committee." 

Article 20: "The insurrectionary Committee of Public Safety will 
remain in permanence until the total accomplishment of the insurrec- 

These documents are enough to give some idea not 
only of the organisation and object of the plot, but 

' Buonarroti's Conspiration de Babeuf, vol. i. p. 132. 
' The whole of this "Act of Insurrection" will be found in Buchez, 
voL xxzvii. p. 158. 


of the essential ideas of the system which Babeuf had 
developed in his periodical, the Tribune du peuple ou 
le Difenseur des droits de Vhomme; which, commenced 
and interrupted during the Thermidorian period, had 
reappeared in Brumaire of the year IV. In this journal 
he loved to enimciate the following proposition? : 

" All that is possessed by those who have more than their propor- 
tionate part in the floods of society is held by theft and usurpation ; it 
is therefore just to take it from them." 

" The very man who proves that by his own strength he can earn or 
do as much as four others is none the less in conspiracy against society, 
because he destroys the equilibrium by that very fact and destroys 
precious equality." 

" Social institutions must progress to the point where they deprive 
every one of the hope of ever becoming richer, or more powerful or 
more distinguished by his enlightenment and his talents than any of 
his equals." 

"Discord is better than a horrible concord in which hunger 
strangles one." 

" Let all go back to chaos, and from chaos let a new and regenerated 
earth emerge." ' 

Babeuf continually praised the equalitarian principles 
of the Declaration of Rights of 1789, and he called his 
doctrine the System of Equals. 

How far was this doctrine popular in Paris? All we 
can say is that the people knew of it and gave it 
some attention. We read in the report of the Central 
Bureau (dated the 23rd of Oerminat of the year IV) : 

"In the Faubourg Antoine, a considerable group was gathered about 
the placard entitled : Analyse de la doctrine de Babeuf, Farther on a 
woman was reading the same thing in a smaller bill ; a citizen, agent 
of the Central Bureau, took it from her ; the group dispersed ; a few 
demanded if the liberty of the press no longer existed." " To-day, the 
28th of Germinal,*' we read in another report, " we have again found in 

* No. 35. For the bibliography of Babeuf s paper see Toumeux, 
Bibliograpkie de Vhistoire de PariSf vol. ii. Nos. 10,940 and 10,951. On 
Babeuf in general see V. Advielle, Histoire de Babeuf ei du babouvisme, 
Paris, 1883, and the article Babeuf in the Grande Encyclopidie. 


the markets placards entitled : Doctrine de Babeuf. The inspector 
warned the commissary of police, who had them removed." ' 

According to the Courrier ripublicain of the 24th of 
Germinal of the year IV, the women of the Tuileries 
distributed the " Analysis " in groups* : ** One of them 
was seen to climb on a chair in the garden of the 
Tuileries and read aloud this seditious piece of litera- 
ture. The guard having come forward to put an end to 
such a scandalous proceeding, the officious Panth6onists 
contrived the female orator's escape." Nevertheless, 
the Tribune du peuple was read aloud to assemblages 
of the people. In Florial and Qetminal of the year IV 
another socialistic journal appeared : the tclaireur; 
which published a song '* for the use of the Faubourgs,** 
commencing thusc 

"Dying of hunger, niinedi bare, 
Tormented, crushed, what dost thou there, 

People I Thou pin'st away, nigh dead ! 
While the rich man, with brazen face, 
Whose wealth was gotten by thy grace, 

Insults thee and is comforted." 

The anonymous author (he was Sylvain Mar6chal) pro- 
ceeded to exalt ** sacred equality.** To what we to-day 
should call parliamentarianism he opposed Babeuvism : 

"You, law-machines,, you, turning yet, 
Throw in the fire nor e*er regret 

Your budgets all in white and black ! 
Let be, poor creatures I Unafraid 
Equality, without your aid 

Knows how to bring abundance back I " 

He also exhorted the soldiers to join the people in 
order to effect a revolution and realise " the common 

These verses were simg and applauded in the caf6s 
at least, if not the streets. 

' These and the following citations are from Paris, &c., vol. iii. 


When the conspiracy was discovered the news was 
received with scepticism at first, and then with a very 
definite reprobation. Every ill-natured person was 
called Babeuf^ as a term of abuse : especially if he 
did iiot enjoy the fruits of victory. In Prairial of the 
year IV a pamphlet was put in circulation with the 
object of winning the pity of the people on behalf 
of Babeuf : in vain. They were more interested in 
Drouet ; to the extent that in the streets of P^rigueux 
a sentimental romance was sung, of which he was the 
hero. The personality of Babeuf left the public in- 
different. In Thermidor of the year IV a secret demo- 
cratic society, that of the Decius franfois, invited the 
people to rise in order to prevent a massacre ; but 
without naming Babeuf, and recommending respect for 
property. During the trial people murmured at its 
length ; but the sentence was received with indifference, 
and the police, so attentive in noting the manifestations 
of Parisian opinion, on this occasion related few 
instances or none. Two journals only ventured to ex- 
press themselves openly : an opposition journal of the 
Right, the Veridique, lamented a capital sentence based 
upon writings which had produced no effect ; and the 
democratic Joar/uU des hommes libres called Babeuf 
and Darth6 " martyrs of Liberty." The Parisian 
working classes were unmoved ; Babeuf had never won 
the kind of popularity that Marat had enjoyed ; had 
never perhaps been popular at all. People gave him' 
a passing attention when he spoke the language of the 
year }1 ; when he spoke of creating abundance by 
Terrorist means ; when he fulminated against the Direc- 
tory. The political writer was not unpleasing ; the 
socialist, it seems, astonished and alarmed. 

Babeuf and his accomplices were tried before the 
High Court of Venddme. The debates were long ; they 
lasted from; the 2nd of Ventdse to the 7th of Prairial. 
The accused were 64 in number ; 1 8, being absent. 


were convicted of contumacy ; among them Drouet 
(who had escaped from prison with the complicity^ it 
was said^ of the Director Barras), Robert Lindet, F6Ux 
Le Peletier, and RossignoL 

Neither in the " acts of accusation *' nor in the ques- 
tions to the jury did the " socialistic " opinions of 
the accused appear. The questions put before the jury 
were divided into five categories, corresponding with 
the five categories of prisoners. They spoke of a con- 
spiracy to dissolve the Legislature, or to arm' the citizens 
" against the exercise of the legitimate sovereignty." 
These questions were all resumed in that as to whether 
there had been an incitement to establish the Con- 
stitution of 1793. The reply was in the affirmative as 
regarded Babeuf and Darth6, who were consequently 
condemned to death, and were executed on the following 
day (the 8th of Prairial of the year V) ; it was in the 
affirmative with extenuating circumstances as regarded 
Buonarroti, Germain, Moroy, Cazin, Blondeau, Bouin, 
and Menessier ; negative in the case of the 55 others, 
who were acquitted : among them were Fyon, Laig- 
nelot, Ricord, Amar, Vadier, the two Duplays, Anton - 
elle, Drouet, Robert Lindet, F61ix Le Peletier, Rossignol, 
Chretien, Par rein, and Jorry. 

The summing up of the President of the High Court 
gives a good idea of the inanity of the accusation 
brought against the ex -Conventional. The debates 
demonstrated that Ricord and Laignelot, absolute 
strangers to the conspiracy, had merely assisted at 
a few conferences between the Babeuvists and the 
Democrats. No evidence was produced against Amar 
and Vadier, who had not taken part in any secret 
meeting. It was evident that Drouet was, at the bottom 
of his heart, in favour of the Constitution of 1793, 
and that a secret meeting had been held at his house ; 
but it was not proved that he had in any way partici- 
pated in the conspiracy. Grisel had denounced Robert 


Lindet as having been present at' the secret meeting of 
the 1 9th of Florial; but being questioned as to Lindet 's 
description, stated that his hair was white ; it was, as 
a matter of fact, entirely black. 

But although the democratic ex-Conventionals (with 
the possible exception of Drouet) had no share in the 
conspiracy, there evidently was an alliance between the 
Babeuvists and a very considerable number of demo- 
crats, neither deputies nor ex -deputies, whose object 
was to overthrow the Constitution of the year III, oi' 
at least to ensure that it should be applied by men of 
the Left, in conformity with the policy of the Left ; not 
only was such an alliance obvious, but even before the 
trial one of its signs and one of its results had already 
been witnessed. 

After the checkmate of the Babeuf conspiracy (but 
before the trial had opened) the democrats attempted 
to seize the reins of power by a sudden blow. They 
knew themselves in the minority ; but might not an 
insurgent minority carry the masses with it? These 
precursors of Blanqui (if we may so call them) sounded 
the ground first : on the night of the loth of Fructidor^ 
at the very moment when the prisoners were about to 
leave for Venddme, Paris was filled with white cockades 
and royalist pamphlets, in order to excite a republican 
rising. The attempt was in vain. On the 23rd of the 
same month the democrats, to the number of six or 
seven himdred armed men, tried to incite the troops 
in the camp of Crenelle to rise, crying : ** Vive la 
Ripublique! Vive la Constitution de 1793! A bas 
les Conseils ! A bas les nouveaux tyrans ! " The troops 
fired upon them. Many were arrested. The Directory 
obtained a law enabling them to be judged by a military 
commission, which pronounced, between the 27th of 
Fractidor of the year V and the 6th of Brumaire of 
the year VI, various sentences of death, notably 
against three ex-Conventionals- : Huguet, Cusset, and 



The Ibabeuf affair^ and that of the camp of Crenelle, 
led to a reaction by which the royalists profited ; that , 
is to say> they brought about a state of things which ^ 
was known as the Royalist Peril. 

We have seen that at the time of the dissolution of 
the Convention the royalist party was in a state of 
decadence, both in those regions where it disguised 
itself and in those in which it was openly fighting. 
In Paris the victory of the 13th of Vendimiaire of the 
year IV had sent it to earth. In La Vendue Charette 
had taken up arms again ; but the Comte d'Artois,' 
after a short sojourn upon the He d'Yeu, had re- 
eimbarked. Hoche set to work to pacify the country 
by skilful and efficacious methods, and the situation of 
the insurgent leaders became desperate. StofHet and 
Charette were captured and shot ; the former on the 
6th of Ventdse of the year IV, the latter on the 9th of 
the following Germinal. The other leaders entered 
into negotiations ; there was no longer a " Royal 
Army." Brittany too was pacified ; Cadoudal sur- 
rendered on the 3rd of Messidor of the year IV. At 
the same time Frott6, who had commenced to excite 
an insurrection in Normandy, found himself abandoned 
by his supporters, and departed for London. Normandy 
remained quiet for more than a year. 

Doubtless the resort to arms ordered by Louis XVIII 
at the moment when he declared himself King should 
not, in his own mind, have been confined to the 
departments of Poitou and Vendue. There were other 
insurrectionary movements also, but they broke out too 
late to profit the Vend^ean insurgents. In Qerminal of 
the year IV a royalist insurrection broke out in Indre> 

* The Comte d'Artois went to Edinburgh, where he lived daring the 
whole period of the Directory. It was from there that, more or less in 
agreement with Louis XVIII, he organised several risings in France. 


at Palluau. General D^senfants quickly suppressed it. 
During this time a more serious revolt occurred in some 
of the communes of the former district of Sancerre 
which had not accepted the Constitution nor organised 
their municipalities. They formed a little country 
existing without laws ; the refuge of deserters and 
refractory priests. The rebellion broke out at Jars. 
A band of peasants wearing the white cockade 
sounded the tocsin, cut down the " Trees of Liberty," 
burned the administrative papers, and to cries of " Vive 
le roi! Vive la riligion! " induced the whole country- 
side to march upon Sancerre. They occupied this town 
on the 1 3th of Germinal of the year IV. The Directory 
sent out troops under General Ch^rin. The rebels were 
defeated, and Sancerre retaken (on the 19th and 20th 
of Germinal). Order was restored almost immediately. 
But another blow was struck by the royalists almost 
at the gates of Paris' : at Pierrefitte. We read in the 
Gazette frangais of the 25th of Germinal of the year IV : 

" On the i6th of Germinal a detachment of about a hundred men, 
armed with pikes, scythes, and pitchforks, marched into the commune 
of Pierrefitte, where they forced the municipality to collect and to 
deliver over to them its registers and other papers, as well as the 
decrees and accounts of compulsory loans and land taxes, which they 
burned. They then summoned citizen Douet, schoolmaster, to whom, 
as well as to the municipality, they read in the King's name an order 
annulling all republican statutes. The secretary to the municipality 
was forced to read this document aloud, and at the end to cry " Vive le 
roi I Vive la riligion !** They then dragged the schoolmaster and the 
members of the municipality towards the Tree of Liberty. The 
schoolmaster, despite his refusal, was compelled, in order to avoid 
immediate death, to give the first blow of the axe to the tree ; he then 
passed the axe to the municipal ofiicials, who also struck at the tree ; 
the brigands finished felling it, and the tree was dragged in the mud 
and burned. To complete their operations they fixed to the top of 
the belfry a white flag, on which they had forced the secretary of the 
municipsility to write : Vive le roi et la sainte riligion ! " 

I have found no document dealing with the sequel to 
this little rebellion ; but the very fact that the journals 


had nothing more to say of the rebels of Pierrefitte 
shows that the re-establishment of order in that canton 
was not a long nor a difficult matter. 

For the time beings then, the armed royalist insur- 
rections had been suppressed. There were only a few 
slight disturbances here and there. 

The military and diplomatic victories of the Republic 
during the first year of the Directory compelled the 
French royalists to conceal themselves. Firstly, from 
Oerminal to Messidor in the year IV, there was the 
German campaign, the victories of the army of the 
Rhine imder Moreau, and that of the Sambre-et-Meuse 
under Jour dan and KWber. From Germinal to Ther- 
midor of the same year there was the campaign in 
Italy and the victories of Bonaparte : Montenotte, 
Millessimo, Mondovi, Lodi, the entrance into Milan, the 
siege of Mantua, and Castiglione. On the 29th of 
Thermidor and the 8th of Fructidor the French Re- 
public concluded peace with the Duke of Wurtemburg 
and the Margrave of Baden, who ceded their possessions 
on the left bank of the Rhine. In Vendimiaire of the 
year V the King of the Two Sicilies proclaimed himself 
neutral . 

But at the beginning of the year V the situa^tiooi 
changed. Although the successes of Bonaparte con- 
tinued in Italy (the creation of the Cisalpine Republic 
and the victories of Rivoli and La Favorita)^ in Germany 
there were serious checks ; the retreat of Jourdan, 
the death of Marceau, the retreat of Moreau, and the 
loss of Kehl and Huninguen. Most important in its 
effect on public opinion was the check upon the negotia- 
tions with England (in Vendindaire and Frimaire of 
the year V) . The war, people said, would last for ever I 

On the other hand, the alliance of the democrats with 
the Babeuvists had reawakened all the old hatred of the 
Jacobins, anarchists, and terrorists. The Papist clergy 
(of whom I shall speak again later) were intriguing 

VOL. IV. 4 


in the country districts. A vague discontent arose 
against the Directory^ which had been unable either 
to obtain external peace or to maintain internal peace. 
This discontent was neither sufficiently keen nor suffi- 
ciently general to encourage the royalists to an 
immediate recourse to arms ; but the situation seemed 
a favourable one for the execution of a conspiracy. 

The royalist party in its secret organisation had two 
agencies ; the one military, the other political. > The 
military agency, directed by M. de Pr6cy, took in 
Tranche -Comt6, Lyonnais, Forez, Auvergne, and the 
entire Midi. The political agency, extending over the 
entire coimtry, had its seat in Paris. Its leaders were 
the Abb6 Brottier, Despoaelles, La Villeumoy, and Du- 
verne de Presle. It established two associations, secret 
societies, with passwords and signs of recognition : 
firstly, the " Society of Friends of Order," of which 
the executive committee was the '* coterie of legitimate 
sons " ; secondly, the " Philanthropic Institute," which 
was composed of timid, egoistical, and indifferent 
royalists, and which also recruited itself among the most 
ardent of the anti-Jacobins, anti -anarchists, and con- 
servatives. Here are the instructions which were given 
them' : 

"(i) Bring honest men together, and let them form an alliance 
among themselves. (2) Oppose the influence of the anarchists in the 
primary assemblies. (3) Furnish the Legislature with pure and upright 
members; assist the Government; be its eye and its sentinel at aU 
times over the anarchists ; be its reserve in critical circumstances." 

Each confederate, in every canton, had to vote for the 
candidates denoted by the Institute. 

The agents of the King must accept " no engagement 

' As to the origin of this organisation, which antedated the 13th of 
Vendimiaire, see Ch. L. Chassin, Les Pacifications de TOuest, vol. i. 
pp. X15-118. The details are obtained from the declarations of 
Duverne and Presle. See these declarations in Buchez and Roux, 
vol. xxxvii. pp. 437-445- 


which might lead to the belief that the King's intention 
is to re-establish the monarchy on new foundations." 
The King will reform abuses, but " nothing can persuade 
him to alter the Constitution of the ancien regime'' 
However, it was permissible to negotiate with the King. 
It was Duveme de Presle who revealed these facts in 
the declaration he made when arrested. He added that 
in Jime, 1796 {Prairial or Messidor of the year IV), 
a party " offered to serve the King on condition that 
there would be no change in the then existing Constitu- 
tion except the concentration of the executive power in 
his person. The King accepted the service, but wished 
to discuss the condition. He consequently requested 
that a legal agent should be sent him." > The party 
did not dare to obey. Duverne de Presle nevertheless 
believed that it counted 184 members in the two 
Coimcils ; but he adds that the royalists willingly de- 
luded themselves as to the number of their adherents ; 
when it came to facts they discovered how few they 

Finally the King's agents endeavoured to corrupt 
two officers': Malo, the commandant of the 21st regi- 
ment of Dragoons, and Ramel, commandant of the 
Grenadiers of the Legislature, who pretended to be with 
them, and delivered them to justice. Brought before 
a Council of War, they were condenmed only to im- 
prisonment. La Villeumoy was deported on the i8th 
of Fructidor. 

This conspiracy having failed,^ Louis XVIII seemed 

' There were royalists who disliked even these hints at negotiation. 
Thos Puisaye protested on January i, 1797 (the 12th of fiivose of the 
year V). 

* The Prince de la TremoOle was then entrusted with the direction 
of the King's a£Fairs in Paris, but he did nothing, and left for London 
after the x8th of Fructidor. After this the Abbe d'Esgrigny and 
If. de Rochecot tried to reform the agency, but without instructions 
(La Sicotiere, Louis de FroiU et les insurrections normandes, voL ii. 
pp. 95, 97, 114). 


to renounce conspiracy and to resign himself to an 
" opportunist *' policy. In his proclamation to the 
French of March lo, 1797 (the 20th of Ventdse of 
the year V), he appeared to abandon the idea of 
regaining his throne by force, and, without denying 
his absolutist programme, he encouraged his partisans 
to take part in the coming elections and to obtain the 
election of moderates and anti -Terrorists. 

" Direct men's suffrages," he said, " to men of substance, friends of 
order and of peace, but incapable of betraying the dignity of the French 
name, and whose virtues, enlightenment, and courage will be able to 
assist us to lead our people to happiness. Assure soldiers of all ranks, 
members of administrations who co-operate in the re-establishment 
of religion, the laws, and legitimate authority, of rewards commensurate 
with their services ; but beware of employing, in order to restore them, 
the atrocious means that were used to effect their overthrow. Expect 
from public opinion a success that it alone can render durable and 
solid ; or, if it is necessary to have recourse to arms, at all events do 
not make use of that cruel recourse except in the last extremity, and 
in order to give legitimate authority a just and necessary support" 

In this way the Pretender encouraged the policy of 
the disguised and non-absolutist royalists in the two 
Councils ; who, provisionally resigned to the Republic, 
drew nearer to the Directory when the discovery of 
Babeuf's conspiracy rallied all the " conservators '* 
against the " Socialist Peril •* ; and among those who 
so rallied were Mathieu Dumas, Pastoret, and Muraire. 
The check of the Brottier conspiracy proved to all, 
whether absolutists, royalists, or constitutionalists, that 
in order to prepare the ground for royalty, it would be 
necessary for a certain time to maintain the Constitution 
of the year IIL : to destroy, by means of this Constitu- 
tion, the social peril resulting from the alliance of the 
democrats and the Babeuvists ; to enable ideas of order 
to prevail, and finally to bring back the monarchy by 
pacific and legal methods. Thus Frott^, who had 
returned to France in Oerminal of the year V (but 


without money and without instructions )9 stated that 
in Normandy there was no desire for further civil war ; 
that it was hoped " to attain the monarchy only by 
gentle impulses and the decrees of the two Councils." 

The elections of the year V gave results in conformity \ 
with the advice and the desire of the Pretender. They 
were as " anti -Terrorist " in character as possible. Of ' 
the 216 Conventional outgoing, hardly a dozen were ^ 
re-elected. The malcontents were elected by prefer- 
ence ; the men who criticised the means and results 
of the Directory both at home and abroad, and in 
especial criticised its religious policy, such as the 
rigorous methods of dealing with the Papist priests, 
and the law forbidding the ringing of bells. We cannot 
say that the question "Monarchy or Republic?" was 
put at these elections. The hostility towards the Direc- 
tory and the ex -Conventional was visible not only in the 
departments of the west and the north, which were noted 
for their moderatism ; it was also marked in fully half 
the departments of the south-east, which, we have seen, 
were formerly so strongly republican. Although the 
departments of Aude, Card, and Pyr6n6es-Orientales 
voted in favour of the Directory, those of Bouches-du- 
Rhdne, H^rault, and Var gave their majority to the 
opposition of the Right. The 49 departments whose 
elections were annulled by the coup d^itat of the i8th 
of Fructidor were dispersed all over France ; and 
granting that royalism was really a living force only 
in Brittany, Normandy, Poitou, and Lozfere, and among 
a few inhabitants of the large cities, this dispersion 
proves clearly that the deputies from those departments 
were elected not as royalists, but as forming an 
opposition . 

But although none of those elected declared them- 
selves as royalists, there is no doubt that royalists were 
elected. Thus, in the department of Seine Fleurieu was 
elected ; an ex -Minister of Marine under Louis XVI ; in 


Bouches-du-Rh6ne General Willot, and in the Jura 
General Pichegru, who had dealings with the Pre- 
tender ; in Rhdne, Imbert-Colom^, indgri and Bourbon 

The majority in the two Councils was immediately 
altered. The Five Himdred elected as President, by 
387 votes out of 404, General Pichegru, whose royalism 
had not as yet been revealed, but who was clearly hostile 
to the Directory. The Elders elected (by how many 
votes the procis-verbal does not say) an ex-diplomat 
of the ancien rigime^ Barb6-Marbois. On the 5th of 
Prairial the Five Hundred had to draw up a tenfold list 
of candidates for the place of Director, left vacant by 
the resignation of Le Toumeur. We have seen that they 
elected to the first place, by 309 votes, a moderate 
and ex -noble, the Marquis de Barth^lemy, ambassador 
to the Swiss. The other candidates elected were all 
members of the opposition of the Right (among others 
an ex -Minister of the monarchy, Tarb^) with the excep- 
tion of Charles Cochon, the only deputy whom the 
Directorial republicans had been able to elect, and 
who obtained 230 votes. In appointing Barth^lemy 
Director by 138 votes against Cochon's 75, the Elders 
gave a very good idea of the new majority in their 
midst . 

Here are the chief laws by which this majority 
affirmed its reactionary policy : 

1st of Prairial^ year V. The ex -deputies Aym^, 
Mersan, Ferrand-Vaillant, Gau, and Polissart, lately 
excluded as ineligible, are recalled to the Legislature. 

9th of Messidor. The law of the 3rd of Brumaire 
of the year IV is repealed. 

22nd and 30th of Prairial. The deputies de Rumare 
and Imbert-Colom^s are expunged from the list of 
inugris . 

7th of Thermidor. The Clubs are proscribed. 

.2Sth of Thermidor and 13th of Fructidor. The 


National Guard is reorganised in such a way as to 
eliminate the democratic elements which had succeeded 
in penetrating it. 

2nd of Frttctidor. The laws relating to deportation 
or the imprisonment of non-juring priests are repealed. 

To sum up : the renewed Legislature endeavoured to 
efface all that remained of the Revolutionary Govern- 
ment in the application of the Constitution of the year 
Illy and suppressed a large number of the *' laws of 
exception " which had formerly been enacted against 
the enemies of the Revolution. In the debates relating 
to these measures nothing occurred that would allow 
people to say that the new majority was royalist ; but 
there were royalists in that majority, and they were by 
no means without influence. 

Faithful to the instructions of the Pretender, they 
supported the moderate, bourgeois republicans against 
the democratic or anti-clerical republicans. They were 
preoccupied and drawn into groups by the interests of 
religion. Even outside the Legislature the more ardent 
royalists were supporting the new strategy. In a draft 
proclamation, on August i, 1797 (the 14th of 
Thermidor of the year V), Frott6 exclaimed : " Our 
place is anywhere In the ranks where men are fighting 
to save France from anarchy and to punish crime." 

Reading the journals and the accounts of the pro- 
ceedings in the Councils, we see clearly that there was 
a state of violent disagreement between the politicians ; 
that some were stigmatised as royalists or Chouans, 
and others as Jacobins, anarchists, and Terrorists. 
When, however, we try to distinguish between persons 
and programmes, to maJce any sort of classification, 
we find our foundation slipping. In the correspondence 
which he carried on between Berne and the Court at 
Vienna, according to the instructions which the royalists 
sent him from Paris, Mallet du Pan writes, in Fructidor 
of the year V : 


"To understand the conduct, the vacillations and uncertainties of the 
Legislative Corps, it must be remembered that since the entrance of 
the new third the majority of the two Councils has been divided into 
three parts. The first, at the head of which are Pichegru, Willot, 
Boissy, Dumolard, Quatrcmire, Imbert-Colom^ Lariviere, Boirot, 
Mersan, Pastoret, &a, wishes to level the revolutionary edifice by 
powerful blows, diminish the authority of the Directory, force on an 
external peace, and open up a future for the monarchy. The second, 
which comprises, to a great extent, the majority of the Elders, also, 
desires the good of the country, but wishes to work slowly ; it fears 
the king, the hnigris, and all idea of a sudden and complete counter- 
revolution. The third, at the head of which are Thibaudeau, Emery, 
Vaublanc, and Bourdon, demands the constitution in all its purity ; 
it wishes to weaken the Directory, and to preserve the Republican 
State; it hates the King and the more notable hnigris for their 
reputation, their ideals, and the credit they might possibly gain." 

We shall see, in the light of a single fact, how vain 
these classifications were. Dumolard, whom Mallet du 
Pan represents as a sort of rebellious royalist, was 
then the president of the Coimcil of Five Hundred. 
This is how he expresses himself, in that quality, on 
the 23rd of Thermidor of the year V, upon the 
anniversary festival of the loth of August : 

"Woe to him who should exercise the idea of re-establishing the 
throne ; what an error, to suppose that those who have reduced it to 
dust would labour to rebuild it ; that the founders of the Republic, 
forgetful of their glory and prostrating themselves in the mire, are 
about to serve as the vile instruments of a liberticide faction, which 
would abandon them to the concentrated rage of them who long to 
tear them in pieces I Why, citizens, who is there among you who has 
not actively co-operated in the overthrow of the monarchy, or has not 
at least proclaimed aloud, in his own circle, the imprescriptible rights 
of the people ? Where is he who would traffic with kings ? Who, 
having vanquished them when they were all-powerful, would humiliate 
himself before them now that they are vanquished ?" 

I ask if it is possible to class annong the royalists of 
his time a man capable of uttering spontaneously so 
thrilling a profession of republican faith? 

Contemporaries spoke freely of an Orl^anist party. 


but apparently it had little existence except in their 
imagination. The Due de Chartres (Due d'Orl^ans 
since the death of his father Philippe-£galit6)^ who 
emigrated with Dumouriez in April, 1793, had been 
living, inconspicuously enough, in Switzerland. The 
Mo nit ear of the 3rd of Pluvidse of the year IV an- 
nounced that he had just embarked at Stockholm for 
North America. His two brothers, the Dues de Mont- 
pensier and de Beaujolais, imprisoned at Marseilles, 
were set at liberty on the 3rd of Brumaire of the year V, 
when they set sail for Philadelphia. All these remained 
in America until the Consulate. What influence could 
they exercise so far from France? Yet those monar- 
4Qh]sts who did not wish to re-establish the ancien 
rigime must logically have found their candidate in 
the Due d'Orl^ans ; since Louis XVIII had proclaimed 
that he did intend to re-establish the ancien rigime^ 
while Orleans upheld the principles of the Revolution, 
and had not, when an imigri^ carried arms aga^ist 
France. The partisans of Louis XVIII were very much 
afraid of him. In a proclamation of January i, 1797, 
the Comte de Puisaye said : '* The infamous Due 
d'Orldans, too greatly honoured by the fate of the 
martyrs, lives again in his son ; the factions have sent 
the latter to a distance in order to produce him when 
the time has come.*' 

After the departure of Orleans for America, he had 
circulated a letter from Mme. de Genlis to her old 
pupil, in which, after reminding him that there was 
a party which desired to elevate him to the throne, she 
implored him not to listen : '* You to pretend to 
royalty ! — to become a usurper, to abolish a Republic 
which you have recognised, which you have cherished, 
and for which you have valiantly fought 1 " The 
journals spoke much of this letter, which drew atten- 
tion to the Due. In Vendimiaire of the year V the 
nunour ran that he was in France, at Rennes ; and 


that his agent, the ex-Constituent Voidel, was about 
to be appointed Minister of Police. The reajctionary 
Cowrrier ripublicain (for the 13th of Vendimiaire) 
pretended that the Orl^anist faction was becoming 
extremely powerful ; that the Ventre^ a portion of the 
Moimtain, was in its favour. It also stated that the 
same faction, in order to lay a false trail, was spread- 
ing the rumour that there was a Yorkist faction, and 
one in favour of the Archduke Charles. In Frimairey 
at the Caf^ du Foy, it was said that the members of the 
Legislative Corps used often to dine at the house of 
the Duchesse d'Orl^ans. At the end of Germinal came 
a report that the elections were favourable to the Due 
d*Orl^ans. The royalist prisoner Duveme de Presle 
gravely declared that the Due d'Orl^ans was in Paris, 
and that he had a faction. This faction was denounced 
from the tribune of the Five Hundred by Jean de Bry, 
on: the lOth of Vent6se of the year V, and by Dumolard 
oU the 13th and 15th of the following Fructidor. 
Finally, those ** who would recall Orleans " were men- 
tioned among those whom the Directory threatened 
with death in its proclamation of the i8th of Fructidor. 

Was there really at that time a party, or even one 
individual of importance, at work in the interests of 
the Due d*0rl6ans? No text, no fact allows us to 
make such an assertion. 

iWe see how difficult a matter it is to distinguish the 
different groups and opinions in the new majority which 
resulted from the elections of the year Y ; or to affirm 
or deny absolutely that this m;ajority wished to re- 
establish any monarchy whatever, whether absolute or 
limited. All that we can say with certainty is that there 
was an alliance of all the reactionaries.' Had they been 

' It is perhaps an anachronism to employ this word at this period. 
I find it for the first time in a police report of the i ith of Florial of the 
year VII, which refers to " incorrigible reactionaries." But the word 
riaciion had already been used to denote the White Terror of the year 


victorious in their quarrel with the Directory, it is 
probable that, under penalty of an immediate dissocia- 
tion, they would have been forced to maintain the 
republican form of government, and to form a mixed 
government of moderates and royalists. 

If we go to the bottom' of things, we find that the two | . 
inimical groups who were ,and are still known as the . "^ V* 
royalists and the republicans were above all separated ; " 
by the religious question. ' 

The religious policy of the Republic was thus defined 
by the Constitution of the year III : "No one may 
be prevented from exercising the cult he has chosen 
so that he conform to the laws. No one may be forced 
to contribute to the expenses of a cult. None will be 
salaried by the Republic." This was the system of 
the lay or secular State ; of the separation of Church 
and State, of which we have already considered the 
origins and the establishment. 

Under this system there was an abundant harvest of 
religious, moral, and intellectual life. New religious 
groups were seen to form themselves ; new churches 
arose ; new cults, evolving from the old religious 

We may say that the general policy of the Govern- 
ment in matters religious during the whole duration 
of the bourgeois Republic was practically this : to see 
that these various religious groups counterbalanced one 
another to the profit and independence of the lay State ; 
to prevent any religion from becoming dominant ; to 
watch over the competition of the churches, and parry 

III. The Directory, addressing the people of the Midi in a proclama- 
tion of the X4th of Germinal of the year IV, had spoken of the " six 
years of tempest and reaction " which they had just passed through. 


the mortal blows that each would attempt to strike 
the other. The State was, as it were, a judge, but not 
an impartial arbiter. The Directory had a prejudice 
against the Roman CathoUc Church. This church was 
the strongest ; it was extremely powerful ; it threatened 
to dominate the other churches and the State itself ; 
the governmental policy was hence to weaken it, or 
even, as its dogmas appeared incompatible with the 
principles of the Republic, to destroy it. 

That the Directory really 4id wish to destroy the 
Roman Church, that at least it did at one mcnnent 
desire to do so, results not only from the general 
sense of its politics ; it expressed this intention in 
definite terms in a letter signed by three of its members 
— La Revellifere-Ldpeaux, Barras, and Reubell — which 
it addressed on the 15th of Pluvidse of the year V 
to General Bonaparte. In this we read : 

"While giving attention to all the obstacles which impede the 
consolidation of the French Constitution, the executive Directory has 
come to the conclusion that the Roman cult is that of which the 
enemies of liberty might in the future make the most dangerous use. 
You are too much given to reflection, Citizen General, not to have felt 
as strongly as have we that the Roman religion will alwa3rs be the 
irreconcilable enemy of the Republic ; in the first place in its very 
essence ; in the second place because its ministers and its secretaries 
will never forgive the Republic for the blows with which the Republic 
has stricken the fortune and the credit of the former and the habits 
and prejudices of the latter. These are doubtless means which can be 
employed in the interior in order insensibly to abolish its influence ; 
whether by legislative methods or by institutions which will efface 
the old impressions by substituting new impressions more analogous 
to the present condition of things, more in conformity with reason and 
a sane morality. But there is one point perhaps no less essential if we 
would arrive at this desired end ,* it is to destroy, if it be possible, the 
centre of unity of the Roman Church ; and it is for you, who have 
been successful in uniting the most distinguished qualities requisite 
to a general officer, to those of an enlightened politican, to realise this 
desire, should you judge it to be practicable. The executive Directory 
therefore invites you to do all that you consider possible (without com- 
promising in any wise the safety of your army ; without depriving 


yourself of the resources of all kinds upon which you might draw for 
the support of your army, and without rekindling the torch of 
fanaticism in Italy instead of extinguishing it) towards destroying the 
Papal government ; in such a way that, whether by placing Rome 
under another power, or (which would be still better) by establishing 
in Rome a form of internal government which would render the 
government of priests odious and contemptible, the Pope and the 
Sacred College could no longer conceive the hope of ever sitting 
in Rome, and would be obliged to seek an asylum elsewhere, where 
at least they could no longer wield any temporal power. 

This was not an order given by the Directory to 
Bonaparte ; it was a desire which it expressed. The 
General would follow it up only if he judged it to be 
possible and useful. 

This letter expresses as clearly as possible the 
intimate feelings of the majority of the Directory in 
Pluvidse of the year V, when the victories of the army 
of Italy appeared to put the Pope at the mercy of the 
French Government. 

On the other hand, to favour the former Constitu- 
tional Church as an element of counterpoise, but to 
oppose it in all that it professed contrary to the repub- 
lican laws (the marriage of priests, divorce, celebration 
of the dicadij &c.), to leave immolested the Protestant 
and Jevirish sects, which were reasonable ; to favour 
the development of new cults on a rationalistic basis, 
so that little by little they might supplant the old cults 
on a mystic basis ; gradually to eliminate revealed 
religion from the national conscience, while educating 
that conscience by a secular system of public instruction 
and civic festivals ; such were the tendencies and the 
methods revealed by almost all the politico-religious 
actions of the Directory ; not only in the period subse- 
quent to the 1 8th of Fructidor^ when it had resumed 
dictatorial prowess against the Papist clergy, but in 
the previous period which we are at this moment con- 
sidering . 

Let us first of all take the rationalistic groups. 


The aristocracy of the freethinkers were enclosed in 
the official frame of the National Institute. These 
survivors or disciples of the Encyclopaedists appeared 
to see a religion a^d a morality in organised science. 
They flattered themselves that their group represented 
this organised science ; that they were " the living 
Encyclopaedia." Except for a very small number^ the 
formula of their free thought was Deism. 

This aristocracy furthered the taste for freedom of 
thought in the upper spheres of bourgeois society ; 
where nevertheless Catholicism was once more becoming 
the fashion ; and it presided, so to speak, over a 
larger rationalistic group ; a group of rational and 
popular character, which was then and has since been 
called the Decadal church or cult. This was an 
attempt at a periodical convocation of the whole people 
around the Altar of the Country ; there to adore the 
mother country ; the country considered as such, but 
so beloved, so honoured by so many sacrifices and the 
outpouring of so much blood, that it seemed as though 
it might offer to the mind of all Frenchmen the advan- 
tage of a mystical entity, and so unite them by a tie 
universally accepted. The origins of the cult were not 
artificial ; the altars of the country had risen spon- 
taneously in 1789 and 1790, when the new nation was 
founded by the resurrection of the communes, by the 
grouping of communes, by provincial federation, and 
finally by national federation. Of all the altars that 
had since been raised, none had had from the first so 
many sincere devotees as this ; and men had seen the 
artificial cults imagined by the H^bertists and the 
Robespierrists become confounded with this religion 
of patriotism ; become absorbed in it, and gradually 
disappear. So long* as the French gave all their 
physical and intellectual forces to the work of national 
unification and to the war against the enemies of this 
unification ; so long as this cult was a religion of 


warfare, it remained popular, ardent, and absorbing 
the whole man. The nation founded, the Republic 
once victorious, the cult of the patrie established itself 
in men's consciences. The Convention wished to lead 
it out into the public places, establish it in the temples, 
and organise it by law. Actuated by Marie- Joseph 
Ch^nier's report, it decreed, as a beginning, that there 
should be decadal festivals in each commune {Nivdse 
the 1st, year III). It stated, in the Constitution of the 
year III (Article 301): ''National festivals will be 
established in order to foster fraternity among the 
citizens, and to attach them to the Constitution, their 
native country, and the laws.'* 

There were already annual national festivals. Thus 
the anniversary of the taking of the Bastille had been 
celebrated regularly. On the 2nd of Pluvidse of the 
year II (January 21, 1794), at the request of 
the Commune, the Convention had passed a decree 
ordering the celebration of the anniversary of the execu- 
tion of Louis XVI ; on July 27, 1793, it had ordered 
the annual celebration of August 10, 1792. The 
decree of the i8th of Florial of the year II, besides 
the festival of the Supreme Being (which was celebrated 
once) and a number of other festivals in honour of 
various entities (which were not celebrated at all) had 
ratified the three festivals of July 14th, January 21st, 
and August i oth, while founding yet another : the 
anniversary of May 31, 1793 (abolished on the 19th 
of Ventdse of the year III). On the 2nd of Pluvidse of 
the year III a law had prescribed the celebration of the 
anniversary of the 9th of Thermidor. To these political 
festivals the Convention added, on the eve of its separa- 
tion (by the law of the 3rd of Bramaire^ year IV, 
title 6) certain festivals of a different character, in the 
following terms : 

" (i) In each canton of the Republic there will be celebrated, each 
year, seven national festivals : namely, that of the Foundation of the 


Republic, on the xst of VemUmiaire; that of Youth, on the xoth of 
Germinal: that of the Espoused, on the loth of Flarial; that of 
Gratitude, on the loth of Prairial; that of Agriculture, on the loth of 
Messidor; that of Liberty, on the 9th and xoth of Thermidor; that of 
the Aged, on the xoth of Fruciidor, (2) The celebration of the national 
cantonal festivals comprises the singing of patriotic songs, speeches on 
the morality of the citizen, fraternal banquets, various public games 
peculiar to each locality, and the distribution of awards. (3) The 
ordering and arrangement of the national festivals in each canton is 
enacted and announced in advance by the municipal administrations. 
(4) The Legislative Corps decrees each year, two months in advance, 
the order and manner in which the festival of the xst of Vendhniaire 
must be celebrated in the commune in which it resides." 

Although at this moment we are speaking only of 
the period anterior to the i8th of Fractidor^ we may 
as well note, in order to complete this outline of the 
national festivals, that a law of the 13th of Pluvidse 
of the year VI established a festival of the Sovereignty 
of the People to be celebrated on the 30th of Vent6se^ 
and that a law of the 2nd of Fractidor of the year VI 
ordered the celebration of the aimiversary of the i8th 
of Fractidor of the year V. 

These festivals were actually celebrated throughout 
the Republic. 

The political festivals of July 14th, August xoth, 
January 21st, the xst of Vendimiaire^ and the i8th of 
Fruciidor^ were attended by the people, who lent them- 
selves to the occasion with more or less enthusiasm 
according to the place and the circumstances ; that is 
to say, as they felt more or less keenly the impulse 
towards anti -royalist demonstrations. The festival of 
the I St of Vendimiaire (the date of the foimdation of 
the Republic) was that celebrated with the greatest 
pomp, at least in Paris. 

The philosophical festivals, inspired by Jean-Jacques 
Rousseau and Greuze, were less attended by the people, 
excepting three of them, which in practice had a political 
flavour ; these were : ( i ) the festival of Gratitude, which 


was really a festival of Victories ; (2) the festival of 
Liberty, which, being celebrated on the anniversaries 
of the coup (Vitat of the 9th and loth of Thermidor^ 
was in especial an occasion of official anathema, directed 
against the Terror and the Terrorist ; (3) the festival 
of the Sovereignty of the People, which opened, so to 
speak, the period of elections in the years VI and VII. 
The festivals of Youth, of the Espoused, of Agriculture, 
and of the Aged, ingeniously organised by orders from 
the Directory, do not seem to have been appreciated 
save by a few curious spectators. The Catholics ridi- 
culed these ceremonies, which the Abb6 de Boulogne, 
in the Annates caiholiques of Germinal of the year V, 
called *• idea festivals," " civic pantalonades " ; and 
went out of their way to throw ridicule on this decadal 
worship of the native land.> 

The Directory, moreover, did not conceal the fact 
that these festivals, essential elements of the plan of 
national education outlined by the Convention, were in- 
tended little by little to accomplish the dechristianisa- 
tion of France ; or, as it wrote to Bonaparte in the 
letter already cited, " insensibly to abolish the influence 
of the Roman religion," by replacing " ancient impres- 
sions " by '* new impressions more analogous to the 
existing state of things, more in conformity with reason 
and a sane morality." 

As for the obligatory substitution of the Dicadi for 

' The orders of the Directory which in succession organised the 
national festivals arc extremely interesting. See especially the follow- 
ing in the Bulleiin des his : those of the 19th of Veniose, year IV 
(Youth) ; of the 27th of Germinal, year IV (the Espoused) ; of the 
2oih of Florial, year IV (Gratitude and Victories) ; of the 20th of 
Prairial, year IV (Agriculture); of the ist of Messidor, year IV 
(Liberty) ; of the 27th of Thermidor, year IV (the Aged) ; of the 13th 
of FrucUdor, year IV (Foundation of the Republic), and the 13th 
of FrucUdor, year V (the same) ; of the 28th of Pluviose, year VI 
(Sovereignty of the People) ; of the 3rd of FrucUdor, year VI (the i8th 
of FrucUdor) ; of the 13th of Messidor, year V (the 14th of July). 

VOL. IV. 5 


the Sabbath, and the cielebration of eaich Dicadi by 
festivals, it was only after the i8th of Fractidor that 
the decadal cult was perfected. 

In the meantime the Government favoured a non- 
official attempt, emanating from private initiative, to 
establish a kind of rationalistic church tmder the name 
of Theophilanthropy. 

Theophilanthropy was the national religion so often 
glorified by the philosophers and poets of the 
eighteenth century. 

To extract from the " revealed " religions a small 
number of dogmas, accepted by all, verified by reason, 
transformed into rational principles, and to make them 
the foundation of a non -mystical worship, together with 
the morality accepted in all times by all decent folks : 
such was the aim of the natural religi<xi ; not that of 
Rousseau, which was Christianity purified, revealed, and 
interpreted by a vicar of God ; but the natural religion 
of Voltaire, anterior and superior to Christianity. 

Voltaire had imported the idea from England. He 
clarified it, formulated it, and popularised it in France, 
and the English carried it back again in order to 
attempt its application. In 1776 David Williams, 
author of a '* Liturgy founded upon the Universal Prin- 
ciples of Religion and Morality,*' assembled the English 
Freethinkers in a temple, in London, there to adore 
God and encourage the love of men. This attempt, 
which was applauded by Voltaire and Frederic the 
Great, had only a temporary success as a curiosity, 
but it remained well known and famous in France. 
It doubtless inspired the immediate precursors of 
Theophilanthropy : Thomas Paine, Daubermesnil, and 

' Announcing the latter's work : Rappel du peupU frartfais a la 
sagesse et aux principes de la morale, the journal the Ami des Lois 
(13th of Ventose, year IV) defined in advance the new rationalistic 
religion : " We have been praying, for eight months, to be informed 


It would seem that the true founder of Theophilan- 
thropy was Chemin, a professor, litterateur, and 
librarian. He published a " Manual/' of which a 
** Religious Year " unfolded the principles, joined him- 
self to four fathers of families — Mareau, Jeanne, 
Valentin Haiiy, and Mandar — and the new sect held its 
first session in a disused chapel of the Institute of the 
Blind, in the Rue Saint-Denis, on the 26th of Niv6se 
of the year V (January 15, 1797). 

The Theophilanthropists defined themselves as 
follows : 

Their meetings were religious and yet not religious. 
Theophilanthropy was a religion for those who had 
no other ; for those who had it was merely an Ethical 
Society {Sociiti morale). 

The Theophilanthropists addressed themselves to 
whosoever believed in God, in the immortality of the 
soul, in fraternity, in humanity. The God in whom 
they professed belief was the ** God of the Reason " ; 
for some even the enlarged Deity of Diderot ; and they 
were liberal enough to admit Sylvain Mar^chal the 
atheist ; and in Doubs the adepts styled themselves 
merely philanthropists. But on the whole this group 
was theistical, for deism was then the most popular 
form of free thought ; and the Theophilanthropists were 
purely rationalistic — no revelation, no mystic dogmas 
for them I 

But — and herein resides the originality of this 
religion — the Theophilanthropists did not proscribe nor 
attack nor condemn any other religion ; they respected 

as to the morality by which we might once more become the honour 
and the admiration of Europe, and rid ourselves of Catholicism, 
Mahometanism, Protestantism and other religions fabricated by the 
hands of men and presented under a celestial covering. We have 
prayed all good citizens to busy themselves with this important work, 
and to bring each one a stone for the erection of the edifice of theism 
and philanthropy." 


them, so they said, and honoured all, avoiding all 
controversial propaganda. 

"Far from seeking," says Chemin, "to overthrow the altars of any 
worship, yon must even moderate the zeal which might lead you to 
make converts to our own. Profess ours modestly, and await in peace 
for those whom its simplicity convinces to join you. ... Be circum- 
spect. ... Do not seek to win proselytes. . . . Dealing, in your 
festivals, only with religion and morality, there should consequently 
never be anything put forward in them that is not suited to all ages, 
to all countries, to sdl religions, and all governments." 

He constantly repeats that men must love the native 
land, love the Republic. 

There is morality and there is religion. Morality 
instructs us concerning our duties ; religion leads us 
to fulfil them. Morality has a very wide and solid 
basis : *• Good is all that which tends to preserve 
man or to perfect him. Evil is all that which tends to 
destroy or deteriorate him." By this word, man, ** we 
understand not one single man, but (he human species 
in general." 

Religion consists especially in assembling, whether 
in the family or in the temple, in order to encourage 
the practice of morality. 

The temple of the Theophilanthropists should be 
devoid of pomp. 

•* A few moral inscriptions, a simple altar, on which 
they place, as a sign of gratitude for the benefits of 
the Creator, a few flowers or fruits according to the 
season ; a pulpit for reading or for speech ; there 
is all the ornament of their temples." The speakers 
and readers may wear a special costmne (a blue coat 
with a rose-coloured girdle), but are not obliged to 
do so. 

The ceremonies commence by an invitation to the 
Father of Nature, to which succeeds a moment of 
silence in which each quietly examines his conscience. 
'* The head of the family may assist this examination 


by various questions^ while each answers tacitly to him- 
self." Then they listen to speeches, or sing hymns ; 
they set themselves face to face with nature ; they 
praise the Spring ; they proceed to baptisms, marriages, 
and funerals ; they do honour to men who have done 
honour to humanity ; such as Socrates, St. Vincent 
de Paul, Jean -Jacques Rousseau, Washington. 

This cult is remarkable for a perfect elegance and 
sobriety of style. In this respect it is aristocratic. It 
does not address an ignorant populace, but the scholarly 
middle class. It is by means of the finest that it hopes, 
without any clamorous propaganda, to attract, little 
by little, the mass of the nation. 

The Theophilanthropists succeed in grouping about 
their altars in a party of very considerable size the 
itite of the nation. The relative success of this 
attempt to organise natural religion, which until then 
had been scarcely more than a particular mode of 
thought, gives the movement the value of a historic fact. 

The cult formed a numerous and varied aristocracy 
of mind. There were ex -members of the Constituent 
Assembly, ex-Ministers, members of the Institute of 
France, and general officers ; among others we read 
the names of Creuz^-Latouche, Goupil de Pr^felne, 
Dupont (of Nemours), Bernardin de Saint-Pierre 
(whom we meet as godfather at St. Thomas Aquinas), 
Marie-Joseph Ch^nier, the painter David, Guffroy, 
Lamberty, Corchand, Combaz, Ulrich, the ex-abb6s 
Parent and Danjou, the citizeness Augereau, mother of 
the general, and many others. 

The Government protected the Theophilanthropists ; 
sometimes privately, sometimes in public. The Direc- 
tor La Revelli^re-L^peaux, while denying that he had 
ever been a Theophilanthropist, admits in his memoirs 
that he undertook to plead the cause of the new Church 
before his colleagues, and to advise them of '* the happy 
political results " which the new religion promised. 


" The Directory/* he sa3rs, " came to the same conclusion, and gave 
orders to Sotin, Minister of Police, to protect the founders oi this new 
institutioi^ and to allow them, from the police funds, the very moderate 
assistance which they might require for the celebration of a worship so 
simple and so little costly. Certainly the secret funds of governments 
have not alwajrs been employed in so honest nor in so useful 
a manner." 

Gr^goire reports that the Directory paid the ex- 
penses of the installation of the cult in Notre Dame. 
In Messidor of the year V Ginguen^^ Director-General 
of Public Instruction in the Ministry of the Interior, 
wrote to his colleague Champagneux, chief of the first 
division of the same Ministry^ in order to obtain for the 
Theophilanthropists the use of the church of Quatre- 
Nations : '* I believe the Minister cannot render a 
greater service to the progress of morality, and I beg 
you earnestly, my dear colleague, to obtain of him this 
permission." They were granted the use of eighteen 
churches or chapels. The Minister of the Interior sent 
out Chemin's Manuel into the provinces openly, with 
his own signature appended. Soon afterwards the jury 
of instruction officially approved of the Catechism of 
the Theophilanthropists, which thus became a standard 

An attempt was even made to have Theophilanthropy 
declared the State religion. This was the object of 
the " discourse concerning the existence and utility 
of a civil religion in France " pronounced by Leclerc 
(of Maine-et-Loire) from the tribune of the Council 
of Five Hundred, on the 9th of Fructidor of the year 
V. This attempt came to nothing. 


If we ttow, from the rationalist groups, pass on to 
the mystic groups, formed by the members of the old 

* Concerning the favours of which Theophilanthropy was the object, 
see Grigoire, Histoire des Sectes, vol. i. 


revealed religions^ we shall find that there were two — 
the Jewish and the Protestant (the Reformed Church) 
which drew no attention to themselves and caused no 
discussion during the period of separation. Subjected 
to the laws^ the Protestants and the Jews confined them- 
selves to a silent enjoyment of the liberty they had 
obtained after so many centuries of persecution. The 
Government had no trouble with either. > 

As for the Catholics, whether Papist or not, we have 
already seen how, under the Convention, during the 
Thermidorian period, they had profited by the new 
politico-religious system to conmience the reorganisa- 
tion of their cult. This reorganisation was completed 
under the Directory. We read in the Annates de la 
Religion of the- 6th of Messidor of the year VI : 

" At the commencement of Vtndhniairt last — that is to say at the 
end of September — an abstract was made in the offices of the Minister 
of Finance of all the communes which had resumed the public exercise 
of their cult. Already, nine months ago, there were 31,214; and 
4,511 more had applied for permission to resume worship. Finally, 
there was no question of Paris in this statement, and the larger 
communes were reckoned as having only one church. Here already 
we have, practically, our 40,000 original parishes." 

In this large number of " parishes,*' what was the 
proportion of Papists and of non-Papists, otherwise 
^own as the ci-devant Constitutionals and the ci- 
devant refractories ? We know only that the Papist cult 
had a far larger following than its rival. 

We have seen how the ci-devant Constitutionals 
organised themselves at the begiiming of the system of 

' On the 2ist of Messidor of the year V, Boulay (of Meurthe) spoke 
from the tribune of the Five Hundred as follows : " It is useless to 
speak here of the Jewish sect, too weak and too peaceful to give rise to 
anxiety. The Protestants we need fear even less ; their principles are 
favourable to the spirit of political and religious liberty ; they are the 
chief authors of the resurrection and establishment of moral, political 
and civil liberty in ail the states in which such liberty is more or less a 
fact : French liberty has no more constant and enthusiastic supporters" 


separation. Their ** national " Church (as they called 
it) was not very popular, and in the period before the 
1 8th of Fructidor it lost ground. But its priests and 
the faithful remained numerous enough for the schism 
which it represented to be still formidable to the Roman 
Church. In the year V, of the 83 bishops elected or 
maintained in 1790 there remained 41 (of the other 42, 
9 were married, 6 had resigned, 6 had not resumed their 
functions, 8 were dead by the guillotine, 13 had died 
a natural death). Of these 42 episcopates the faithful 
had filled 3 : Cohnar, Versailles, and Saint -Omer. The 
majority of the episcopal chairs were therefore occupied 
on the 1 8th of Fructidor. 

At the outset the " vessel of the Republic " and that 
of the former Constitutional Church had " kept com- 
pany,** as Gr^goire had predicted. But the relations of 
the Church and the Government very rapidly cooled. 
On the 2nd of VentOse of the year IV an order of the 
Directory provisionally prohibited (though it later per- 
mitted) the election of a Bishop of Versailles, because 
there had been speeches against the marriage of priests 
in a kind of synod convoked by the candidate, Abb6 
Clement. The question of the marriage of priests, on 
which the ex -Constitutionals proved inflexible, led to 
the anticipation of the broils which were later (after 
the 1 8th of Fructidor) to settle the question of the 

The Directory, however, being conscious of the poli- 
tical utility of protecting these schismatics against the 
Pope, allowed them to hold synodal assemblies and a 
*' national Coimcil." The synodal assemblies, convoked 
in each diocese, and composed of the ecclesiastics of 
the diocese, elected a deputy and substitutes, who, with 
the bishop (a member ex-officio) were to represent 
the diocese in the national Council. This Council, which 
at first had been convoked for May i, 1796, was held 
^t Paris, at Notre Dame, from August 15, 1797 (thq 


28th of Thermidor of the year V), until November 12th 
(the 22nd of Brumaire of the year VI).' 

Both in the synodal assemblies and in the Council, 
the ex-Constitutionals protested that they had never 
wished to effect a schism, and attempted a reconcilia- 
tion with the Pope. Under the name of t^e ** decree of 
pacification *' the Coimcil drew up and despatched to 
the Pope, on September 24, 1797 (the 4th of Vetidi- 
miaire of the year VI), a scheme of reconciliation. It 
stated that the Civil Constitution being defunct, the 
Gallican Church renoimced it, recognising in the Pope 
the visible head of the Church, with supremity of honour 
and of jurisdiction ; it accepted all the dogmas, con- 
demned presbyterianism, and would admit to the number 
of its priests none but citizens faithful to the Republic, 
having taken the civic oath, and having undertaicen to 
maintain the maxims and the liberties of the Gallican 
Church ; but excluded no one for his previous opinions . 
The following system was proposed to the Pope : the 
bishops, in the vacant sees, would be elected by the 
clergy and by the people, and confirmed and installed 
by the metropolitan. In each diocese when there was 
only one bishop (whether of the old or the new rigime) 
this bishop would be recognised by all ; and it would 
be the same in the case of each parish in which there 
was only <Mie cur6. When there were two bishops or 
cur^s the elder would officiate, and the other would 
succeed him. 

As the Pope, at the time of the negotiations between 
the armistice of Boulogne and the treaty of Tolentino, 
had seemed to make advances to the ex-Constitutionals, 
the latter hoped that he would discuss the *' decree of 
pacification ** with benevolent intentions. He made no 
reply to it. 

» The proceedings of this first Council were not printed, as were 
those of the second. For the internal debates, see the organ of the 
ez-Constitutionals, the Annalcs de la religion. 


The Papist Catholic Church, like the former Con- 
stitutional Church, had lost the greater number of its 
bishops. Forty-one of them were dead. They did not 
all emigrate, as has often been said ; eleven never left 
France^; those of Troyes, Chal(Ni-sur-Sa6ne, Marseilles, 
Auger, S6ez, Senlis, Alais, Saint-Papoul, Lectoure, 
M&con, and Sarlat. At last one of the imigriSy Mgr. 
d' Avian, Bishop of Vienne, returned to France in Florial 
of the year V. Some of the absent bishops tried to 
administrate their dioceses from a distance. In some 
of the dioceses vacant through the death of their titulars 
(it must be remembered that Louis XVIII did not fill 
any of these vacancies) there were vicars -apostolic. 
We have, however, no data on which to base statistics, 
even approximate, of the dioceses of the old kingdom 
which were then reorganised. As to the cur^s and 
vicars, they were numerous enough, m spite of imprison- 
ment and deportation. 

The Roman Catholic cult, a year after the estab- 
lishment of the system of separation, was in a very 
flourishing condition, especially in Paris. In the 
Annates cathoUques of December i, 1797 (the nth of 
Frimaire of the year V), the Abb6 de Boulogne wrote : 
"The state of the Catholic Church of Paris is still 
very consoling to those who are interested in the pro- 
gress of religion. Every day new temples are being 
opened ; and the aflluence of the faithful, very far 
from diminishing, visibly increases." The number of 
churches in Paris occupied by the Roman Catholics, 
which did not exceed fifteen at the commencement of 
the separation, was then, according to the Abb6, forty ; 
and the following year, at the time of the Easter 
festivals, on the 27th of Germinal of the year V, it 
was fifty. In Paris almost all the shops were closed on 
the days of the more important Catholic festivals. 

The Papist clergy were the refractory priests ; that 
is, those who in 1790 and 1792 had refused to take 


the oaths required of them. Since then a promise of 
submission to the Republic merely had been exacted 
from ministers of religion, by the law of the 7 th of 
Vendimiaire of the year IV. The emigrant priests, 
amenable to deportation, returned in hosts to make this 
promise. These enemies of the Revolution and the 
Republic showed themselves with impimity, and many 
of them acted as agents of the monarchy or the reac- 
tion. Irritated and anxious, the Convention decreed (by 
the law of the 3rd of Bramaire of the year IV) : 

" That the laws of 1792 and 1793 against priests amenable to depor- 
tation or imprisonment will be executed within twenty-four hours of 
the promulgation of the present decree, and such public functionaries 
as shall be convicted of negligence in the execution of the said laws 
will be condemned to two years' imprisonment. The orders of the 
Committees of the Convention and of the representatives of the peoole 
on mission contrary to those laws are annulled." 

These laws were severe ; too horribly severe. The 
tribunals did not apply them, although, in a circular 
dated the 23rd of Nivdse of the year IV, the Directory 
had imperatively demanded their application. Briot 
might well say, as he did, before the Cotmcil of Five 
Hundred, without exposing himself to any risk of denial, 
that before the 1 8th of Fructidor not one of the priests 
amenable to these laws had ever been condemned (the 
2 1 St of Bramaire of the year VII). So the priests 
continued to return to France, to carry on there a propa- 
ganda contrary to the principles of the Revolution ; 
so that in almost all the disturbances which the Direc- 
tory had to suppress the hand of the refractory priest 
was discovered. The law of the 3rd of Ventdse of the 
year III forbade the ringing of bells ; but the bells 
were still rung in the country districts. In vain did 
the law of the 22nd of Germinal of the year IV declare 
penalties against the ringing of bells ; the bells were 
still heard. To the republicans of those times these 
bells were the tocsin of insurrection against the 


Republic. For the peasants, there was no religion 
without the ringing of bells. This quarrel on the 
subject of bells was one of the causes of the success 
of the moderates in the elections of the year V. 

The Directory, almost from the outset, showed far 
more animosity towards the Papist priests than the 
Committee of Public Safety of the year II had exhibited. 
In the instructions to its commissaries (in Frimaire of 
the year IV) it denoimced these priests as agents of 
royalism, and relentlessly instructed its own agents 
to fight them* : " Balk their treacherous schemes by 
a continual and active supervision ; thwart their 
measures, hamper their movements, wear out their 
patience. . . ." It denounced what we should call 
the clerical peril in numerous messages to the two 

Although all the Papist priests were at pne in decrying 
to the faithful certain laws of the Republic, such as that 
of .divorce, or in troubling the consciences of those 
who had acquired ecclesiastical property, they were not 
all at one as to opposing the Republic for the benefit 
of the monarchy. There was a group of opportunists, 
of whom a distinguished priest, the Abb^ Emery, was 
the inspiring force. He advised against the policy of 
allying the cause of the Church with that of Louis XVIII, 
and coxmselled the recognition of the Republic, the 
giving of the promise exacted by the law of the 7th of 
Vendimiaire of the year IV, The victories of Bona- 
parte in Italy stimulated this movement by rendering 
the chances of restoration more tmcertain. The oppor- 
tunists had a periodical organ, the Annates religieuses, 
to which Abh6 Sicard contributed : a type of the 
opportunist. They made advances toward the ex- 
Constitutionals, speaking vaguely of reconciliation ; and 
in the meantime they skilfully relieved them of some 
part pf their congregations. Several bishops of the 
ancien regime authorised or even requested their priests 


to submit to the Republic ; among others, the Arch- 
bishop of Paris, Mgr. de Juign6. 

After the invasion of the Papal States by Bonaparte 
and the conclusion of the armistice of Boulogne (on 
the 5th of Messidor of the year IV), the Pope sent to 
Paris an official negotiator, the. Conte Pierachi, with 
conciliatory instructions and a projected pastoral, dated 
July 5, 1796, in which he counselled Catholics to accept 
the Republic, and to submit to the established autho- 
rities. At this moment there were vague projects of 
a concordat. Bonaparte, a siupporter of the concordat 
by principle, perhaps had not dreamed of establishing 
it until the day when he should be master of France 
(if at that time his dreams were so precise). The 
Directory, we have seen, would have preferred that 
Bonaparte should have profited by the occasion to 
destroy the temporal sovereignty of the Pope entirely, 
and thus to lead up to the destruction of the Roman 
Church. In any case the negotiations came to nothing ; 
and in the treaty of Tolentino (dated the ist of VentSse 
of the year V) there was no question save of temporal 
interests . 

All projects of conciliation, moreover, were opposed 
by the majority of the clergy of the old regime; an 
insurgent, royalist majority, who followed the instruc- 
tions of Louis XVIII, in which it was stated that *' to 
submit to the laws of the Republic was to revolt 
against legitimate authority, to meddle with sacrilege 
and brigandage, to become an accomplice of all the 
revolutionary crimes, and to carry scandal and abomina- 
tion into the sanctuary." These rebellious priests also 
had an organ, the Annates cathotigues, in which the 
Abb^ de Boulogne carried on a bitter campaign against 
the opportunists. 

Although opposed and hampered by the rebels, the 
policy of the opportunists was not without effect. Thus, 
the Elders (on the 9th of Fructidor of the year IV) 


rejected a resolution of the Five Hundred (of the 1 7th 
of Florial) which enacted fresh measures against the 

Shortly afterwards the Five Hundred themselves 

' Or rather this revolution enacted measures for putting the laws of 
1792 and 1793 into us^ul and vigorous operation. This is how the 
reporter, Dnilhe^on the 9th of Florial^ defined the " clerical question " : 
''You have been desirous and will always be desirous that every 
citizen should be free to profess in peace such religious opinions as 
please him ; for you know that liberty consists in being able to do what 
is not otherwise harmful. But you have not been, nor ever will be, 
desirous that religious opinions should be employed to excite men to 
revolt against legitimate authority and to light in their midst the torch 
of internal discord. The legislator is a stranger to the afiFairs of the 
other world ; but he is entrusted with the maintenance of tranquillity in 
this. Therefore it is not as priests that you attack these men who 
preach civil war in the name of a god of peace, and trample upon the 
sovereignty of the people in the name of the king ; but you will punish 
them as bad citizens, as rebels against the laws of the country. You 
are not persecutors, but, like all this world's governments, you have the 
right to refuse to tolerate those who persecute you." The arguments 
of the other side are well summed up in this passage of a speech by 
Darracq on the 12th of Florial : ''According to the new order of 
things in France, the State no longer recognising any religion, we can 
no longer deal with priests as priests, but with rablns, homes, and 
ministers of all the other religions. Now I ask of the Commission what 
it means by refractory priests ? Doubtless it means the ministers of 
the Catholic religion, who, disdaining the civil constitution of the clergy, 
have refused to take the oath which it exacts. But since it has been 
shown that this constitution, and the whole system then prevalent, 
were monstrosities and an insult to reason ; since the revolution which 
has led up to the Republic has cast all these fantasies into nothingness, 
how can the Commission admit the supposition that there still exist, 
for you, priests / . . ." Rouyer replied that priests were those who 
formed themselves into a caste. Therefore a special law was required 
against them. The nobles also formed a caste, but could be seized and 
punished. " Perhaps the priest can be proceeded against with equal 
ease? It is in the heart of a fanatical family that he spreads his 
poison of error and superstition ; it is in the secret tribunal, which he 
calls the confessional, that he terrifies the weak, leads astray the 
credulous, and incites the timorous mind against a government which 
he depicts as given over to sacrilege and atheism." 



appeared to relent with regard to the Papist clergy. 
A law of the 14th of Frimaire of the year V (a resolu- 
tion of the 1 6th of Brumaire) repealed, amongst other 
articles of the law of the 3rd of Brumaire of the 
year IV, that Article 10 which ordered the prompt 
execution of the laws of 1792 and 1793. 

But as ChoUet stated afterwards, on the 14th of 
Frimaire of the year III, from the tribune of the Five 
Hundred, •* to repeal the dispositions of a law which 
merely ordered the execution of other laws not yet 
repealed, and not to repeal those laws themselves, was 
a kind of monstrosity in legislation ; besides which, the 
authorities did not know what to go by." 

The great success of the opportunist Catholics was 
the result of the elections of Germinal of the year V, 
which led to the formation, in the two Councils, of / 7^\ 
a majority which we call royalist, but which would more 
correctly be called Catholic. 

The Council of Five Hundred, thus renewed, ap- 
pointed a commission to revise the politico -religious 
laws. It was in the name of this commission that the 
most eloquent of the opportimist Catholics, Camille 
Jordan, made, on the 29th of Prairial of the year V, 
a celebrated report. He spoke of the Catholic religion 
w^ith an emotional sensibility, but he did not ask for it 
anything but what seemed to him, under the circum- 
stances, possible. His report was, so to speak, a 
minimum programme of Catholic claims, divided into 
four parts : Firstly, he demanded that the faithful 
should be able to choose their ministers according to 
their will* : that is, to choose refractory priests ; ' 

* '* What have you heard/' said Jordan, " in the primary and electoral 
assemblies? What advice was mingled with the touching demands 
with which you were surrounded ? Everywhere your fellow-citizens 
claimed the free exercise of all religions ; everywhere these good and 
simple men, who fill our country districts and make the earth fruitful 
by tiieir useful labours, held their supplicating hand toward the fathers 


secondly, that no promise, nor oath, nor declaration of 
any kind whatever should be exacted ; < thirdly, that 
bells might be rung ; > fourthly, that each cult should 
have its own burial-ground. The project presented 
by Camille Jordan also ratified the system of separation 
and the lay State. It prohibited " collective donations, 
which would recall the abolished corporations, and per- 
petual donations, which would result in the accumula- 
tion," said the speaker, ** of property of a kind you 
have determined to proscribe." That the different cults 
should shut themselves up in their temples ; that the 
priests should wear no ecclesiastical costume save in 
the temples ; such were Jordan's concessions, and in 
case of infraction he proposed penalties of which the 
heaviest would be six months* imprisonment. 

On the 8th of Messidor of the year V, Dubruel read 
a report recommending the abrogation of the laws 
against the non-juring priests. 

The Coimcil discussed these two projects of the 20th 
and the 27th of Messidor of the year V. General 
Jourdan made a lively attack upon the Papist priests, 
the cause of the Vend^ean rebellion. 

of the people, while demanding that they should at last be allowed to 
follow the religion of their hearts in peace, to choose their ministers at 
will, and to rest in the bosom of their most sacred customs, from all the 
evils they have suffered." 

' He states that " when revolutions are consummated the Catholics 
transfer to the new government all the religious obedience which they 
gave the old." 

* ** They have forbidden the bells ; they still ring. The law is 
obeyed only in the towns : it is generally violated in the country, and 
no religion dominates others by their means, and no insurrection is 
rung in by them. The sole abuse they present to-day is the failure of 
an existing law ; it is a scandal which it is important to end by with- 
drawing the cause. Finally, the repeal of this law is everywhere 
solicited. These bells are not only useful to the people ; they are dear 
to it ; they are one of the most sensible delights which their religion 
presents. Will you refuse the people this innocent pleasure ? It is 
good, for human legislators, to be able to grant the wishes of the 
multitude at so small a cost." 


' Why cannot I sammon here the shades of those brave defenders of 
their country, immolated before royalty by fanaticism ? They will 
tell you that those who wielded the steel or launched the lead that 
struck them down were directed by the priests, who wished to re- 
establish royalty for their own t>enefit ; they will tell you that the 
inhabitants of the countryside, worthy and credulous, threw them- 
selves, crying, ' Vive Urtnl' upon the bayonets and the artillery, with a 
tenacity and a coolness which can only be produced by fanaticism. 
But you, brave soldiers, who have left limbs on the field of battle, come 
hither and tell your legislators how those of you who fell into the 
hands of these rebels were lx>und to their cannon, and in that cruel 
position were exposed to the fire of your comrades ; and that these 
cruelties were committed to the sound of cries a thousand times 
reiterated of ' Vive leroi! Vive la religion caiholique I ' Tell them of what 
these people led astray by fanaticism are capable, and induce them to 
take the necessary meJasures to prevent the return of such horrible 


The Catholics found a brilliant defender in Lemerer, 
who on the 2ist of Messidor delivered an enthusiastic 
eulogy of " the ancient religion of our fathers " (and 
whose expressions became celebrated).* We see clearly 
that at heart he wished to oppose the Declaration of 
Rights by the Catechism ; the Revolution by the 
Church. The discussion grew keen. Boulay (of 
Meurthe) at the same session affirmed that the Roman 
Catholics, who had a " foreign prince ** for leader, 
were more dangerous than the other sects. Eschas- 
s^riaux the elder cried, on the 23rd of Messidor: ** You 
who are for ever speaking of the religion of our 
fathers— no^ never will you lead us back to absurd 
beliefs, idle prejudices, and a delirious supersti- 
tion. ..." ** Violent protests," says the Monitiur^ 
" interrupted the speaker. Jordan and Delahaye, secre- 
taries, demanded permission to speak. ' I protest,* said 

■ By the tone of his eloquence and his apologetic methods, LfCmerer 
is a sort of precursor of Chateaubriand. See in the Manileur (p. xi88) 
the long period in one of his speeches commencing with the words, 
"Reason has already overthrown the altars raised by Folly to 
Reason. • . .' 

VOL. rv. 6 


Eschass^riaux, * that I meant to say nothing to outrage 
the Catholic religion ; I wished to speak of the super- 
stitious practices with which it has been deformed.* *' 
Lemarque also opposed Lemerer : 

" The god of their fathers," he said, " was the god of Phitippe II, of 
Charles IX, of Catherine de Medids." " Ah 1 we do not want this God 
of ikcir fathers, for their fathers were barbarians who misconceived and 
outraged the true God, and who made Him in their image. The true 
God is the God of tolerance, wisdom, and humanity; not of this 
humanity which preaches vengeance, assassination and civil war, but of 
the humanity which inspires concord, the extinction of hatred, the 
forgetfulness of injuries, and respect for the established government" 

Royer-Collard defended the Catholics (on the 26th of 
Messidor), and demanded ** justice " for them. " To 
the ferocious cries of demagogy invoking audacity, 
and nextf audacity^ and then yet again audacity^ repre- 
sentatives of the people," he said, " you will at last 
reply by this conciliatory and triumphant cry, which 
will resound throughout all France : Justice, and next, 
justice, and then yet again justice I " 
f The Five Hundred voted on the 27th a resolution 
j abrogating the laws against the refractory priests . The 
(Elders approved, almost unanimously, on the 7th of 
[Fructidor of the year V.' 

\ In thus repealing the laws against the priests the 
Legislature violently contravened the wishes of the 
Directory, which in a message of the 23rd of Thermidor 
had once more denounced " the insolence of the emi- 
grants and the refractory priests, who, recalled and 

' Was a declaration to be required of the ministers of religion ? No, 
decided the Five Hundred, voting by " sitting and standing," on the 
27th of Messidor. There were protests, and uproarious demands for 
the roll-call. This appeal took place on the 28di,and 210 votes against 
204 decided that a declaration should be required. What declaration ? 
Dubruel, in the name of a special commission, on the loth of Fructidor, 
proposed this : " I promise submission to the Government of the 
French Republic." The coup diiat of the i8th of Fructidor came 
before anything was setUed in the matter. 


openly favoured^ are overflowing the country on every J 
hand, fannmg the fires of discord, and inspiring con- I 
tempt for the laws." ' 

The law of the 7th of Fructidor and the " clerical 1 
peril " which seemed to result from it were among the I 
reasons that decided the Directory upon a coap d'Hat. \ 

VII • 

The new majority in the Legislative Corps opposed 
the Directory not merely on religious grounds ; there 
was a continual war of bickering upon all matters ; for 
example, on the subject of expenditure, especially mili- 
tary expenditure, in which department there had 
certainly been malversation and abuses. The Govern- \ 
ment believed that a royalist plot was in process of| 
formation. It is certain that the deputies and Generals] 
Pichegru and Willot had an understanding with the' 
Pretender. If there was a conspiracy to place 
Louis XVIII on the throne, they were its ringleaders ; 
but they hesitated, held back by coi[i3titutional obstacles, 
and by the state of public opinion, which they saw to 
be as hostile to royalty as it was at the time of the. 
Terror . 

The Directory seemed to be reduced to a state in 
which it was impossible to govern ; not only through 
the opposition of the Legislature, but because it was 
itself cUvided into two hostile groups. This division is 
attested by the official prods-verbal of the session of 
the Directory of the 28th of Messidor (of the year V), 
in which Camot, in the name of the majority of the 
Legislative Corps, proposes the dismissal of four 
Ministers : Merlin (of Douai), Ramel-Nogaret, Charles 
Delacroix, and Truguet. Barth^lemy was alone in con- 
tending, with Camot, that the Legislature could inter- 
vene in the choice of Ministers. Except for the dismissal 
of Delacroix and Truguet, which was voted unanimously. 


in all the other votes of maintenance, dismissal, or 
appointment which that day were taken, it was by three 
votes, always the same, against two, always the same, 
that the decisions were effected. The intervention of 
Camot had no other result than the bestowal of the 
portfolios of Foreign Affairs, the Interior, War, and 
the Marine upon men on whom the majority of the 
Directory could absolutely rely. 

From thenceforth scission was inevitable. On the 
one hand were Carnot and Barth^lemy, and on the other 
Barras, La Revellifere-L^peaux, and Reubell. The Two 
believed neither in the clerical peril nor the royalist 
peril ; and Camot wished to oppose the factions only 
by means of laws. The Three believed in these perils, 
and saw no other means of exorcism than a coup d^itat. 
This was especially the belief of Barras ; an active, 
perspicacious, unscrupulous man. He first of all applied 
to General Hoche. In Thermidor of the year V a 
portion of the army of Sambre-et-Meuse, under the 
pretext of going to reinforce that on the coast, passed 
very near the constitutional circle traced round Paris, 
which no army was allowed to enter. This movement, 
denounced in the Council of Five Hundred, was aban- 
doned. But the majority of the Directory did not 
abandon the idea of a military coup d^itaty and the 
various armies sent in addresses threatening the 
royalists ; especially the Army of Italy, commanded 
by Bonaparte, who entered fully into the Directorial 
plans, and sent to Paris, to act as his agent there, his 
lieutenant, Augereau, who was appointed commandant 
of the 17th military division. On the other hand, the 
■ republican democrats (ex -Jacobins, Terrorists, &c.) 
: were reconciled with the Directory as opposed to the 
; Councils, and the idea of a coup d^itat was approved, 
not only by the ardent republicans, but by those more 
moderate, such as Bailleul, and by liberals such as 
Benjamin Constant, the friend and lover of Mme. de 


Stael. Practically all patriots were of opinion that 
without a new 31st of May the Republic would be lost 
and the monarchy restored. The royalists and the 
moderates of the two Councils were on their side pre- 
paring for a new 9th of Thermidor against those whom) 
it called the Triimivirs, and whom they reproached for < 
their external politics, their dreams of gigantic terri- 
torial aggrandisement, which, so they said, retarded 
the conclusion of a final peace with Austria. These 
malcontents had generals — Pichegru and Willot — but 
no soldiers but the small guard of the Legislative Corps. 
It was to procure more that they voted for a law 
which, by reorganising the national guard in an anti- 
republican spirit, gave them means of resistance or 
attack (Fructidor the 13th). 

The Directory then decided to act. The conspirators ' 
knew as much ; they obsessed Carnot with their solicita- 
tions, promising him, in the King's name, the highest 
rewards. Carnot refused »»: he remained neutral. On; 
the 17th of Fructidor the leaders of the majority in 
the Five Hundred decided to vote the impeachment of 
Barras, Reubell, and La Revellifere-L^peaux on the fol- 
lowing day. In case of resistance on the part of these 
three Directors, Pichegru and Willot would march upon 
the Luxembourg with the Guard of the Legislative Corps 
and the old insurgents of Vendimiaire. At eight o'clock 
in the evening the three threatened Directors voted 
themselves ** in permanent session," without convoking 
Carnot or Barthdlemy. They had already expurgated 
the members of the twelve Parisian municipalities, and 
of several departmental administrations, had added to 
Bonaparte's powers the conmiand of the army of the 
Alps, and sent for General Moreau, whose sentiments 
were doubtful, to come to Paris . The barriers of Paris 
were closed ; the alarm-gun was fired ; General 
Augereau set out to occupy the locality in which the 
' See the memoirs of the Chevalier de la Rue, ed. 1895, pp. 34-37. 


two Councils sat. Notwithstanding this, some of the 
deputies of the majority tried to assemble there ; 
Augereau dispersed some and made prisoners of others. 
Barth61emy was arrested. Camot^ being warned, 
escaped. Placards, posted throughout Paris, announced 
that " any individual who should permit himself to 
call for royalty, the Constitution of 1793, or d'Orl6ans '* 
would be instantly shot down. A Directorial proclama- 
tion announced the discovery of a conspiracy in favour 
of Louis XVIII, and published evidence relative to the 
secret understanding of Pichegru with the Pretender ; 
evidence which proved Pichegru's treason beyond all 
possibility of doubt. 

On the 18th of Fructidor^ at nine in the morning, 
\ in pursuance of an order of the Directory, those 
! members of the two Councils who had been left to 
• their freedom assembled ; the Five Hundred at the 
Od^on, the Elders at the £cole de Sant6 (now the 
School of Medicine). The Five Hundred appointed 
a Commission of five members, in order to safeguard 
the public tranquillity and the Constitution of the 
year JII, received messages from the Directory con- 
cerning the royalist plot ; discussing and voting, during 
a permanent session which lasted from the i8th to 
the 2 1st, various extraordinary measures, which the 
Elders, after some hesitation, decided to confirm. This 
was the revolutionary law of the 19th of Fructidor. 
We have already seen that this law annulled the opera- 
tions of the electoral assemblies in forty -nine depart- 
ments. Besides this sixty -five citizens were condemned 
to deportation ; namely, the following members of the 
Five Hundred : Aubry, J. J. Aym6, Bayard, Blain 
(Bouches-du-Rh6ne), Boissy d'Anglas, Borne, Bour- 
don (Oise), Cadroy, Coucheri, Delahaye (Seine-Inf6- 
rieure), de La Rue, Doumere, Dumblard, Duplantier, 
Duprat, Gibert-Desmoliferes, Henry-Larivifere, Imbert- 
Colom^s, Camille Jordan, Jourdan (Bouches-du- 


Rh6ne), Gau, Lacarrifere, Lemarchand - Gomicourt^ 
Lemerer, Mersan^ Madier^ Maillard, Noailles^ Andr6, 
(Lozfere), Mac-Curtain, Pavie, Pastoret, Pichegru, 
Polissart, Praire-Moutaud, Quatremfere-Quincy, Saladin, 
Sim^on^ Vauvilliers, Vienot-Vaublanc, Villaret-Joyeuse, 
Willot ; the following members of the Elders : Barb6- 
Marbois, Dumas, Ferrand-Vaillant, Laffont-Ladebat, 
Lomont, Muraire, Murinais, Paradis, Portalis, Rov^re, 
Tronson-Ducoudray ; the Directors Camot and Bar- 
th^lemy ; the royalist conspirators Brottier, La Vil- 
leumoy, Duveme de Presle ; the ex -Minister of Police 
Charles Cochon ; the policier Dossonville ; Generals 
Miranda and Morgan ; the journalist Suard ; the ex- 
Conventional Mailhe ; and Ramel, commandant of the 
Grenadiers of the Legislative Corps. Among these 
proscripts, forty-eight could not be arrested, and 
seventeen were deported to Guiana.' 

We have already analysed nearly all the other pro- . 
visions of this law. All individuals inscribed on the 
list of imigriSy and not finally expunged, were obliged 
to leave the country on pain of death. The law of 
the 7th of Fructidotj which recalled the deported 
priests, was revoked ; and the Directory was invested 
with the right of deporting any priests who should j 
cause trouble. All ministers of religion were obliged . 
to take the oath of hatred of royalty, &c. The police { 
might prohibit journals. The law of the 7th of the 
preceding Therrmdor^ which prohibited clubs, was re- 
pealed ; as well as those of the 1 5th of Thermidor and 
the 13th of Fructidor concerning the National Guard. 
The Directory resumed the right of placing a commune 

' These seventeen were : Aym6, who was recalled on the 5th of 
Nivose of the year VIII ; Pichegrui Ramel, Willot, LafiFont-Ladebat, 
Barthelemy, de La Rue, Dossonville, Barbe-Marbois, who escaped ; 
Morinais, Tronson-Ducoudray, Gibert-Desmolieres, Bourdon, La 
Villeurnoy, Rovere, Abbe Brottier, who died in Guiana, and Aubry, 
who died in the coarse of flight. 


in a state of siegei^ a right which the Legislative 
Corps had contested. 

There was soon bloodshed ; military commissions^ 
sitting in thirty-two cities^ pronounced some i6o 
sentences of death. 

Finally, as we have seen. Merlin (of Douai) and 
Francois (of Neufch&teau) replaced Camot and Bar- 
th^lemy in the Directory. 



I. The religious policy : Catholidsm. — II. The religious policy : the 
Decadal cult; Theophilanthropy. — III. Royalism. — IV. Directorial 
Republicans and Democratic Republicans. The law of the 22nd 
of Florial of the year VI (May 11, 1798). — V. Opposition to the 
Directory. The insurrection of the 30th of Prairial of the year 
VII (July 18, 1799).— VI. Reappearance of the Terror.— VII. 
Resurrection of the Jacobins. 


Since the coup d^itat of the i8th of Fructidor was ^ 
determined, above all, by the consciousness^ of the 1 \ 
•• clerical peril " to which the proceedings of the new 
majority in the Councils exposed the Republic, it is 
natural, first of all, to consider the period which 
followed on the coup d^itat from the politico-religious 
point of view. 

The clerical peril resided more especially in the 
intrigues of the Papist priests. 

The law of the 19th of Fructidor imposed the 
obligation of '* taking the oath of hatred of royalty 
and anarchy, of attachment and fidelity to the Republic 
and the Constitution of the year III " on all ministers 
of religion. On the part of the Papist clergy this oath 
obtained fewer adherents than had the promise exacted 
by the law of the 7th of VendimicUre of the year IV ; 
none the less, a large number of priests did take it. 



Emery advised them to take it. The Bishops of 
Marseilles and of Lu^on^ MM . de Belloy and de Mercy, 
gave the same advice to the priests of their dioceses. 
In Paris the majority of the Papist priests took the 
oath with at least the tacit consent of the Archiepis- 
copal Council. Even in the department of La Vendue 
there were Papist priests who swore ; about one-fifth 
of the whole. The Pope refused to condenm the oath. 

There were enough of these new " jurors " to allow 
of the subsistence of the " Papist " cult after the i8th 
of Fructidor, This cult was strictly supervised by the 
Directory, which embarrassed it in its very develop- 
ment. Thus in Paris, in the year VI, the central 
administration of the Seine closed the oratories, by 
an order! dated the 14th of Florial; on the pretext 
that in a cloimnune in which the members of the various 
sects were allowed a fixed number of churches by the 
law of the 14th of Prairial of the year III, it wasl 
impossible for the Papists to occupy other buildings 
for purposes of worship. Worship was not forbidden 
them in private houses, since the law of the 7th of 
Vendimiaire permitted it on condition that ** besides 
the persons having the same domicile there was not, 
on the occasion of these ceremonies, an assemblage of 
more than ten persons." The central administration 
of Seine, learning that there were assemblies of more 
than two hundred persons meeting in private houses 
which contained a number of separate households, 
decided " that only individuals occupying the same 
domicile, and composing the same household, may be 
admitted to private oratories, together with persons 
from without, including the ministers of religion ; but 
that all those persons may not be admitted who while 
lodged in the same house do not form part of the 
same household." 

The congregations of the various oratories thus 
ck)sed flowed immediately to the eight churches in 


which the Papist clergy had continued to officiate in 
Paris during the period which followed the i8th of 
Fructidor; the churches, namely, of Saint -Gervais, 
Saint -Thomas-Aquinas, Saint-Philippe du Roule, Saint- 
Laurent, Saint -Eustache, Saint -Jacques-du-Haut-Pas, 
Saint -Roch, and Saint -Nicolas-des-Champs. A police 
report of the 8th of Messidor of the year VI states 
that this cult was followed with a " kind of fury " ; 
notably at Saint-Gervais and Saint-Jacques-du-Haut- 
Pas. '• The former, on the last Catholic festival, held 
about three thousand persons." 

The rule was to allow those priests who had taken 
the oath to exercise their functions. Those who 
attempted to exercise them without taking the oath 
were arrested. Thus in Messidor of the year VI the 
churches of Saint-Gervais and Saint -Eustache remained 
closed in the morning during the hours reserved for 
Catholics, because non-juring priests had officiated 
there. They remained closed for a week ; until sworn 
priests applied for them. Other Papist priests were 
surprised in offering up public prayers for the King 
and Queen ; they were arrested. A former Constitu- 
tional priest, the Abb^ Audrein, proposed to the 
Directory (in Messidor of the year VI) to profit by 
these individual offences by closing all the churches ; 
to the actual profit of the other Catholic sect. This 
was also the advice of Dupui, commissary of the 
Directory to the central administration of the depart- 
ment of Seine. In a report dated Prairial of the year VI, 
he proposed to send police agents in disguise to confess 
themselves to Papist priests. If in this way it was 
discovered that all the confessionals were employed 
in attempting to disgust the faithful with the Republic 
and its laws, the whole Papist cult could be prohibited. 

The Directory remained deaf to these counsels ; the 
sworn Papist priests continued to officiate both in Paris 
and in the departments. 


The question now arose as to whether those should 
be invited to take the oath who had refused or violated 
the oaths previously exacted. In a circular directed 
to the departmental commissaries (dated the 20th of 
Vendimiaire of the year VI) Sotin, the Minister of 
Police, declared that those ecclesiastics who had re- 
fused the oath of adhesion to liberty and equality must 
not be permitted to take the present oath. Were these 
alone to be refused? Were those to be admitted to 
the oath who had not taken the oath exacted in relation 
to the Civil Constitution of the Clergy, or those who 
had refused to give the promise exacted by the la^^ 
of the 7th of Vendimiaire of the year IV? In this 
matter there was no established doctrine, no settled 
rule. On the 23rd of Nivdse of the year VI the Five 
Hundred rejected a proposal, arising from a speech of 
Gay-Vemon's, to the effect that ecclesiastics desirous 
of taking the oath of the 19th of Fructidor should 
no longer be objected to on account of their former 
opposition to the Civil Constitution of the Clergy. 

The result of this incoherent policy was to leave in 
peace those ecclesiastics who remained quiet and to 
proscribe or deport the rest. 

By Article 24 of the law of the 19th of Fructidor 
of the year V the Directory had been " invested with 
the right to deport, by means of orders individually 
justified, such priests as should trouble the public peace 
in the interior." This amounted to a species of anti- 
clerical dictatorship which neither the Committee of 
Public Safety nor the Committee of General Security 
had exercised. The anti-religious " persecution," 30 
often referred to in Catholic histories of the Directorial 
period, consisted principally in the application of this 
Article 24. 

The <mly limit to the will of the Directory was the 
legal obligation of issuing individual orders of arrest ; 
it was not to deport all the priests of any given district 


as a whole. It pursued the latter course only in the 
case of the Belgian clergy, when it ordered the simul- 
taneous deportation of eight thousand priests as agents 
of the anti -French propaganda. In the old French 
departments there was no violation of this law ; but 
the Directory sometimes evaded it to a certain extent 
by issuing identical orders of arrest against a number 
of persons. On the 3rd of Vendimiaire of the year VI, 
for example, it issued the following order : 

" The executive of the Directory, being informed that Philippe Bar, 
ex-vicar-general of Saint-Die, dwelling at Charmes, in the canton of 
Charmes, department of the Vosges, is waving the brand of fanaticism 
in the district he resides in and in the parts contiguous ; that he is 
there employing all possible means of corrupting the public mind and 
of royalising the weak inhabitants of the country ; that it is impossible, 
without danger to the internal tranquillity of the Republic, to suffer 
that he should continue to dwell on its soil, orders," &c. . . . 

On the same day fifteen orders of arrest identically 
the same as that which was issued against Philippe Bar 
were issued against fifteen other priests of the same 
department ; identically the same except in one 
instance, when the additional charge was formulated 
that the offender, one Charles Barret, was " preventing 
soldiers from rejoining their corps." 

Here are some further examples of these incentives 
to deportation : 

On the 28th of Frimaire of the year VI a priest of 
the department of Rh6ne was deported by the Directory, 
actuated by this report of the Minister of Police : 

" A ci-devant cure, who is said to have been deported, Cabuchet by 
name, returned two years ago to the commune of Saint-Bonnet-le- 
Troncy. He preaches there ; officiates in public every day, to the 
sound of his bell ; he attracts to his sermons the inhabitants of the 
neighbouring communes, and even visits them on his missions, 
making the most seditious and inflammatory speeches. Before the 
1 8th of Fructidor he was openly warning the wives of those who had 
acquired national property to induce their husbands to make good 
their escape, if they wished to keep them from the gallows. Finally, 


in concert with another cur6 of whose name I have not yet been 
informed, he has reduced the unhappy farmers to such a state of 
fanaticism that since the passing of the law of the 19th of FrucUdor, 
one of them who had made a deposit in the matter of a purchase of 
grain from some citizens who were the holders of national property, 
has forfeited his deposit to them, saying that his wife had threatened to 
leave his house if he brought in any hnigrii com. The conduct of this 
priest tending only to trouble the pubUc peace, I propose, Citizen 
Directors, that you should order him to be deported." 

During the same month of Frimaire the following 
orders of deportation were issued on the report of the 
local commissary and of the Minister of Police : against 
Thomas, priest of Saint-Claude, who after abdicating 
his functions in 1793 had resumed them without com- 
plying with the laws of the 7th of Vendimiaire of the 
year IV and the 19th of Fractidor of the year V ; who 
was, moreover, denounced as corrupting public opinion ; 
against Hardy, ex -principal of the College of Saintes, 
who professed to be furnished with plenary powers 
from the Pope, for having " fanaticised a great part 
of the inhabitants of this commxme, for having induced 
sworn priests to retract, and for having prevented un- 
sworn priests from making the declaration prescribed 
by the law of the 7th of Vendimiaire " ; against Valine, 
ex-rector of Plouhinec, as having been the " butcher 
of patriots " during the civil war ; against P61issier, 
priest of Cuxac-Cabardfes (Aude), for wearing vest- 
ments and going in procession outside the temple (he 
had persisted after warning) ; against Legalli^res, 
priest of Varces (Isfere), for having officiated without 
having taken the oath. 

For these offences — ^some vague, others definite — ^how 
many ecclesiastics were condemned to deportation by 
Government orders? 1,448 in the year VI ; 209 in 
the years VII and VIII up to the i8th of Bramcdre; 
altogether 1,657. So much for Old France. In the 
departments formed by the annexation of Belgium, 235 
were condemned by various orders later than the 14th 


of Brumaire of the year VII, besides the 8,000 con- 
demned by the order of that date ; a total of 8,235 
for Belgium, or in all 9,892.1 

It must not be supposed that all these priests were 
really deported, nor even that all were arrested. Those 
who were arrested (whose numbers we do not know) 
were at first sent to Rochefort, then (on the 30th of 
Germinal of the year VI) to the lie de R6, and then 
(on the 28th of Niv6se of the year VII) to the He 
d'Ol^ron. There were three convoys for Cayenne. 

1. On the 1st of Germinal of the year VI the 
frigate La Charente set sail with 193 deported 
prisoners, of whom 150 were ecclesiastics. The 
Charente having been attacked and dismasted by the 
English, the exiles were transferred to the DicadCy 
which landed them at Cayenne on the 21st of Pr atrial. 
They were settled at Conanama, an exceedingly 
unhealthy spot. Less than two years later only 13 
of those deported were alive. 

2. On the 1 8th of Thermidor of the year VI the 
Vaillante set sail with 51 exiles, of whom 25 were 
priests. The ship was taken by tht English. 

3. On the 22nd of Thermidor of the year VI the 
Bayonnaise set sail with 119, of whom 108 were 
priests. Settled firstly at Conanama, they were trans- 
ferred to Sinnamary (on the 29th of Brumaire of the 
year VII), where the majority perished of sickness. 
So if we subtract the 25 priests delivered by the 
English, 258 were effectively transported. Those who 
were not embarked, who were imprisoned at Rochefort, 
on the He de R6, or the He d'Ol^ron, underwent great 
sufferings, and a large number died. Besides the above 

' These figures are according to M. Sciout (Le Directoire, vol. iii. 
p. 154), who has compiled a summary of the warrants of deportation in 
the register and papers of the Directory. I myself have been unable 
to undertake this lengthy task. If M. Sciout is violently prejudiced 
against the Revolution, at least his researches are usually exact. 


a few priests were here and there condemned to death 
by military commissions. 

At no time did these individual persecutions pro- 
duce the effect of a general interruption of the exer- 
cise of the Roman Catholic religion^ either in France 
or in a single department even. But they did have 
the effect of reducing the royalist priests to a state 
of semi -impotence, and they prevented the counter- 
revolutionary risings of the year VII from spreading 
dangerously far. From another point of view, although 
the Directory realised for a time its intention of de- 
stroying the temporal power of the Pope, since that 
power was replaced, from the 3rd of NivSse of the 
year VI to the 8th of Vendimiare of the year VIII, 
by the Roman Republic ; and although Pope Pius VI 
died a prisoner of the French Republic (at Valence, 
on the 1 2th of Fructidor of the year VIII), it did 
not realise its design of destroying the Roman re- 
ligion, the exercise of which it had to continue to 

As for ci-devant constitutional clergy, we have seen 
that at the moment T>f the coap d^itat they were holding 
their first National Council. Although the Council mis- 
carried in its principal design — reconciliation with the 
Pope — the schismatics came away better organised 
despite themselves. For a time they seemed to pro- 
gress as though benefited by the severity displayed 
against their Papist rivals.' They firmly refused to 

' There are no statistics of the Constitutional Church. But that one 
of its ministers who has best described it, Gregoire, was a statistician 
by taste and temperament. Figures abound, precise and varied, in his 
references to other sects ; but he has given no figures, not even 
approximate ones, relating to his own. I fancy he could not and also 
that he would not. He did not care to reveal how far his own church 
was in a minority as compared with the Papist Church. In 1834 
Thibaudeau gave the numbers of this church as being 7,500,000 ; but 
without proof. To what date do these capricious figures refer ? We 
do not know ; but the numbers varied according to circumstances. 


transfer to the Dicadi the ceremonies of their Sunday^ 
and after the end of the year VI they were embroiled 
with the Directory on that account ; but the Directory 
still favoured them at times^ merely as a matter of 
strategy, the better to oppose the Papist Church. In^ 
reality the Directory menaced both these Catholic sects, j >, 
seeking to destroy them gradually, and to replace them ; y\ 
by a *• civil religion," as it was then styled. ' 


The ** civil " religion was the ** decadal " worship 
which was announced before the i8th of Fructidor^ 
and was already becoming established before that date 
by means of the celebration of many important national 
festivals, whether political or philosophical. After the 
19th of Fructidor the Directory methodically continued 
its policy of substituting the decadal cult for 

Under the Terror orders of the representatives ** on 
mission *' had in many departments rendered abstention 
from work on the tenth day compulsory. Legally such 
abstention was only compulsory for State administra- 
tions. In Paris part of the population abstained on 
the tenth day from civic motives ; but the abstention 
on Sunday was much greater. 

At first the Government tried to render the tenth day 
of rest general, to the detriment of Sundays, by issuing 
orders and circulars. On the 29th of Brumaire of 
the year VI the Ministei* of the Interior (Le Tourneux) 
addressed a circular to the departmental and municipal 
administrations inviting them to persuade the ministers 
of the Catholic religion to consecrate the tenth instead 
of the seventh day. ** Here the request will suffice ; 
with you more than advice will be necessary ; and you 
must invoke the authority of the law. Moreover, reli- 
gious fanaticism will oppose your attempts. Everywhere 

VOL. rv. 7 


almost you will have to contend with prejudice and 
habit. Each of those obstacles must be overthrown 
by different means ; I leave the choice to your intelli- 
gence and your patriotism." This liberty of choice 
resulted in the administrators of Allier treating the 
priests who maintained the Sabbath as suspects^ as 
though the Terror was still at its height.* (Gr^goire 
complained of this fact in the Council of Five Hundred, 
on the 25th of Frinudre of the year VI.) 

On the 1 4th of Germinal next an order of the Direc- 
tory prescribed measures for the rigid observance of 
the Republican calendar. The administrations and the 
tribunals were to cease work punctually on each tenth 
day ; the market days were to be fixed by the muni- 
cipal administrations so as to refer in no way to the 
old calendar^ and especially so as to " break off all 
connection between the fish markets and the days of 
abstention of the old calendar." The central adminis- 
trations were to regulate the fair-days of their respective 
arrondissements by the Republican calendar. " They 
wall adhere as far as possible to the old dates^ while 
nevertheless taking care not to preserve them exactly, 
and will take especial care that such days do not 
correspond with the f fete-days of the old calendar." 

The departures of diligences ; the opening of sluices ; 
the days of rest in workshops under the direction or 
for the benefit of the Republic ; dances ; contracts ; 
spectacles ; the dates of journals, &c. — all must be 
regulated according to the Republican calendar. 

In actual practice at least one municipal administra- 
tion went farther than this : I refer to that of Brest, 
which, on the 2nd of Florial of the year VI, at the 
request of the Directorial commissary, 

''considering that for a long period the strict observation of the 
Republican calendar had been recommended, but that such reoom- 

' In Paris an order of the Central Bureau of the canton forbade the 
ostentatious observance of Sunday (5th of Frimaire, year VI). 


mendations had for the most part proved useless, because one has 
always been in opposition to the priest, who continued to observe the 
Sundays and fete-days of the old calendar, and to mark those days by 
particular ceremonies, which has contributed to perpetuate ancient 
prejudices, and consequently to alienate the people from the Republican 
rigime prescribed by the law of the 4th of Fritnaireoi the year II, 
ordained that, in order t6 obviate these inconveniences, the temples 
of flle>t«ftpwt& of this city should be kept closed on the days formerly 
known as Sundays, amt onlatfi-days observed by fasting by the sectaries 
of the Catholic cult"' 

For some time the Council of Five Hundred had 
already been occupied with this question of the Dicadi, 
On the 3rd of Frimaire of the year VI Dutrot (of 
Nord) proposed that it should be declared obligatory, 
and he formulated the proposal in terms vtrhich were 
hostile to Christianity : 

" While philosophy cries aloud to you to erase from the memory the 
superstitious institutions of the priests, to establish others more 
reasonable and more proper to republicans, pay such attention to its 
voice that you will not misconceive the destinies preparing for the 
French people, if, shaking off fanaticism of every kind, it will hence- 
forth take reason alone for its guide." 

On the 14th, reporting on his own motion, he protested 
against those who had desired, with Lemerer, to place 
the Republic under the aegis of " the religion of our 
fathers." This religion was only for him ** the pre- 
judices of our fathers," " the superstitions of our 

" Ah, my colleagues," he said, '' do not wait before actuig to ask 
what the prejudices of our fathers were ; let us act according to our 
own knowledge and according to our own reason. Do not let us inquire 
into the superstitions of our fathers, when the simplest good sense 
commands us imperiously to destroy superstition ; let us dare, dare, 
of our own strength, to say boldly that it afflicts humanity, and shatter 
it to pieces in the hands of those who use it as a murderous weapon to 
assassinate (sfc) the progress of man towards philosophy and liberty/' 

' From the compilation entitied : Archives de la villc de Brest 
diliberations du Conseil municipal, vol. iv. pp. 423-4. 


The debate upon the obligation to abstain from work 
on the Dicadi opened on the 25 th of Frimaire of the 
year VI. Gr^goire alone was definitely hostile to 
compulsion. F^lix Faulcon was of opinion that there 
was no need to establish such an obligation except 
for the inhabitants of the central communities of the 
cantons ; it would suffice to ** invite " the people of 
the rural districts to cease their labours on the tenth 
day. Another deputy, Chapelain (of Vend6), suggested 
that there were better ways of honouring the tenth day 
than by ceasing work. *' Do not let us dishonour the 
tenth day by slothfulUsing it (laughter) ; honour 
it, on the contrary, by commercialising it (more 
laughter).*' Supported by Monmayou, he proposed to 
establish festivals on each tenth day. This motion, 
accepted in principle, inspired two reports upon 
" Decadal festivals " ; that of Dutrot and that of 
Bonnaire (on the 4th of Germinal and the 19th of 
Messidor of the year VI), in which the prevailing idea 
was that of contending against the influence of the 
Catholic religion by means of these festivals : ** Woe 
to the French people," cried Dutrot, " if the influence 
of its priests still fights against the influence of its 
laws ; if its institutions still prevail against yours 1 " 

Two legislative debates— one on the means of making 
the Dicadi compulsory, and the other on the means 
of celebrating it by means of festivals — were carried 
on almost simultaneously, sometimes becoming actually 
confused : and ended, the former in the laws of the 
17th and the 23rd of Fructidor of the year VI (resolu- 
tions of the 3rd and 21st of Thermidor), and the latter 
in the law of the 13th of Fructidor of the year VI 
(resolution of the 6th of Thermidor). 

I. Obligation to abstain from labour on the tenth 
day, — The prescriptions of the Directorial order of the 
14th of the preceding Germinal were ratified and ex- 
tended to other matters. Thus not only the " public 


schools," but also the " private schooEs.-iin^ boarding 
establishments for both sexes," were requjpcd. to rest 
on the tenth day, and could not take a vacatt^.on any 
other day excepting the fifth day (which took the' place 
of Thursday in the new system). On the Dichdlf ,^ 
there would be no announcements, distraints, arresli^-.V,.. 
for debt, judicial executions or sales, nor executions of'.*':** 
criminals, nor labour in public places oi* highways, nor *-'< 
in view of public places or highways, excepting work 
in the country districts during the time of sowing or 
of harvest, and urgent labour specially authorised by 
the administrative bodies. Shops, stores, workshops, 
and factories were to be closed ** without prejudice, 
however, to the ordinary sale of eatables and pharma- 
ceutical objects " ; all these matters being subjected 
to the conditions of Article 603 of the code of offences 
and penalties (ordinary police-court penalties). To 
these conditions of the law of the 17 th of Thermidor 
of the year VI the law of the following 23rd of Fractidor 
added certain others ; either in order to ratify the order 
of the 14th of Germinal or finally to abolish the 
Sabbath. The employment of or reference to the old 
calendar in deeds and contracts, public or private, or 
in periodicals, placards, or sign -boards, was forbidden. 
Under no circumstances whatever was any but the new 
calendar to be employed ; and the calendar henceforth 
would be called the Annuaire de la Ripubtique. 

2. Decadal files.— Eaich Dicadi, according to the 
law of the 13th of Fractidor of the year VI, the 
municipal administration, the conunissary of the Direc- 
tory, and the secretary, were to repair, in uniform, " to 
the place chosen for the reunion of the citizens," and 
there read aloud : Firstly, the laws and enactments of 
the public authorities addressed to the administration 
during the preceding decade of ten days ; secondly, 
a *' Decadal Bulletin of the general affairs of the Re- 
public," containing also instances of ** civism ** and 

• •• 

. • •• 



• • 

• • • 
. ••••• • 

, • • • 

virtue, and*'^aii instructive article on agriculture and 

the me^^^ital arts." The celebration of marriages 

woul(t*tilk*6 place only on the Dicadi^ and in the same 

ph^ce.***'The teachers of both sexes ** of the schools 

..^pyablic or private " were expected to conduct their pupils 

.•/•:|regularly to the place of assembly. Finally, each Dicadi 

'•:•• would be celebrated by games and athletic exercises. 

These laws being passed,' the Directory, with inde- 
fatigable zeal, endeavoured to apply them all over 
France, and this was the purpose and principal effort 
of its internal policy. The quarrel between M. Dimanche 
and the citizen Dicadi, as the pamphlets of those days 
called it, was no other than the quarrel between the 
Church and the secular State. The Directory had 
henceforth against it in this quarrel not only the Papist 
priests, but the former Constitutionab . The majority 
refused to transfer their ceremonies from Sunday to 
Dicadi. We see, however, that in Vendimiaire of the 
year VII, in the rural cantons of Seine, this transfer 
was effected almost everywhere. But this was not to 
last. The peasants clung to their Sunday even more 
tenaciously than the priests. It would seem, to judge 
from the few existing monographs, that over the whole 
mass of rural France the celebration of Sunday con- 
tinued, despite the efforts of the Directorial commis- 

' In the short debates which took place in the Council of Elders on 
the subject of these laws, the anti-Christian feeling seemed weaker 
than in the lower chamber. Thus Brothier, deputy from Saint- 
Domingue to the Council of Elders, expounded, in a liberal rather 
than an anti-Christian spirit, the superior advantages of a day of rest 
on which all the citizens should assemble and which itself was 
not sectarian. If all citizens were forced to rest on the tenth day, all 
apparent preference accorded to one religion or another would be 
abolished. On the other hand Rabaut the younger, a Protestant, was 
sensible that the scheme of decadal festivals threatened all revealed 
religion to some extent He regretted that the Government would 
not make use of the " vehicle of religion " in order to inspire " love 
of the good, the just, the honest/' 


saries. It is true that the peasants more or less 
zealously rested on the Dicadi as well. But the desired 
result — that is, the general and voluntary substitution 
of the Dicadi for the Sabbath — was not obtained. 

The parish church was usually the place chosen for 
the celebration of the decadal ceremonies ; and the 
same building was more often than otherwise used 
on other days by the other sects. The central 
administration of Seine (on the second complementary 
day of the year VI) ordained that each of the twelve 
municipalities of Paris should celebrate the decades 
in one of the fifteen churches reopened for the use 
of the citizens. On a Dicadi the exercise pf other 
cults had to terminate in these churches at half -past 
eight in the morning, and could not be resumed until 
the termination of the decadal fdtes, provided that 
was not later than six in winter and eight in summer. 
During the presence of the municipal administration 
the signs or symbols of other religions had to be 
removed or covered over ; and during the celebration 
of the Dicadi no one could appear in the churches in 
any costiune peculiar to religious ceremonies. 

The fifteen churches in use by the citizens lost their 
ancient names, and were renamed as follows, by the 
order of the central administration of Seine, dated the 
22nd of Vendimiaire of the year VII' : 

Saint-Philippe-du-Roule : Temple of Concord. 
Saint -Roch : Temple of Genius. Saint -Eustache : 
Temple of Agriculture. Saint -Germain-rAuxerrois : 
Temple of Gratitude. Saint -Laurent : Temple of Age. 
Saint-Nicolas-des-champs : Temple of Hymen. Saint- 
Merri' : Temple of Commerce. Sainte-Marguerite : 
Temple of Liberty and iEquality. Saint-Gervais : 
Temple of Youth. Notre Dame : Temple of the 
Supreme Being. Saint Thomas Aquinas : Temple 
of Peace. Saint -Sulpice : Temple of Victory. Saint- 
Jacques-du-Haut-Pas : Temple of Beneficence. Saint- 


M^dard : Temple of Labour. Saint-£tienne-du-Mont : 
Temple of Filial Piety. 

In general the decadal festivals were celebrated with 
more curiosity than enthusiasm. The attendance of 
citizens was mediocre. People were drawn chiefly by 
the marriages ; in respect of which one of the most 
interesting and authoritative pieces of evidence is that 
of Dupin, Directorial conmiissary to the central ad- 
ministration of Seine. This is how he gives his 
impressions in a report submitted at the end of Vendi- 
miaire of the year VII : 

"The decadal festivals have been celebrated with a degree of success 
which, if not very complete, vtras at least extremely encouraging. A 
few municipal agents had neglected to attend under different pretexts ; 
the central administration sent for them and reprimanded them in 
a paternal manner, by which they profited at the succeeding festivals. 
Experience shows how right it was to insist that marriages should take 
place at the decadal Assembly ; for on Dicadis when there are none 
the temple is deserted. It must be admitted that so far our decadal 
festivals present no other attraction ; if people are to come there must 
be some kind of amusement, and the reading of the laws and the 
Bulletin, which is written and edited in a very frigid style, is not 
su£Bcient to offer them. The articles on rural economy interest the 
villager, but hardly the townsman. A few experiments in physics, 
as the Minister suggested in his circular to the Central Schools, would 
produce a better effect So far the fetes have passed off without 
disturbance, for one must not dignify by that name a few ironical 
murmurs occasioned by the marriage of an old woman, wearing a 
girlish hat, to a deformed young man. I should not mention this 
matter in a general report, had not some people on the look-out for 
trouble announced that there was a disturbance in the Roch building 
last Decadi ; but I will mention another and far more interesting fact 
which proves how very easy it is to undeceive the eyes of the people. 
In a rural canton (Pierrefitte) a marriage had just been celebrated in 
the decadal temple. The President had delivered a capital speech, the 
ring had been presented (the villagers think a great deal of the pre- 
sentation of the ring). The ceremony performed, one of those present 
asked the commissary of the executive how much it cost to get marded 
in the Republican fashion. My colleague replied, loudly enough to be 
heard by the whole assembly, that far from demanding money from 
those it united in marriage, the Republic was fully repaid by the hope 


that the young people would give it children worthy of it ; but that 
their cure would ask for money without adding an3rthing to the 
august ceremony of marriage. Thereupon the married pair and their 
relations looked at each other, saying that the cure should do so no 
longer, and gaily departed, taking their money with them. In this 
canton the decadal solemnity has so impressed the inhabitants that 
marriages celebrated in the new style are no longer submitted to the 
"visa du curi" a formality which these good folk never failed to 
observe in the case of marriages made before the agent of the com- 
mune. This is by no means a contemptible advantage that philosophy 
has won." 

Dupont says farther on : *' It seems to me that the 
civil religion ought very soon to destroy all the others, 
if its ceremonies can be made attractive." This was 
an illusion ; in Frimaire of the year VII the police 
reports gave evidence of ** a general indifference." It 
was cold in these churches with broken windows. It 
was hard to see and hard to hear in them. To remedy 
these inconveniences the central administration of Seine 
had the temples repaired. By an order of the i8th 
of Niv6se of the year VI it placed in each temple 
a platform for the municipal officers ; sloping benches 
for the public ; busts of great men ; an altar of the 
Native Land, triangular in form, on the faces of which 
were " depicted, by allegorical figures, the principal 
epochs of the civic life as established by the law." 
The president of the municipal administration inter- 
rogated the pupils of the schools as to the Constitu- 
tion ; a hymn would be sung oi* a symphony executed. 
If there were occasion, civic crowns were bestowed 
on those who had performed acts of bravery. On the 
occasion of marriages the president would make 
a speech. 

The execution of this law improved the ffites ; more 
people attended ; the police reports denoted real 

At the end of the Directory the decadal ttilt was 


almost an integral part of the manners and customs 
of the people ; at least in Paris. In some cities^ as 
in Besangon^ it was celebrated with a great deal of 
fervour and success. Generally it did not arouse 
enthusiasm. In the rural cantons the municipal officers 
complained that the citizens' day of rest became for 
them a day of toil^ and unpaid toil at that. The 
Catholics of both sects took all possible pains to 
ridicule the whole affair. 

Nevertheless, the decadal system lasted, or more 
truly developed, until the day when the bourgeois 
Republic came to an end. 

As for Theophilanthropy, we have seen that this 
rationalistic worship was at its apogee at the moment 
of the coap ePitat of Fructidor. The assemblages of 
the Theophilanthropists were still favoured by the 
Government as being " schools of the sanest morality." 
At the outset they occupied only three or four temples. 
In Vendimiaire of the year VII they were installed 
in the fifteen temples of Paris. The temples were 
too many for their numbers ; they could only furnish 
a small group of worshippers for each temple ; espe- 
cially as their services, which at first had attracted 
large numbers of curious persons, had now for a long 
time been attended only by the faithful. In Frimaire 
of the year VII the commissary Dupin stated that 
*• they seemed to be disappearing " ; that ** those who 
attended their meetings from a sense of civic duty 
seem to prefer the decadal ffites " ; and that ** those 
who used to go out of curiosity are no longer attracted." 
In Nivdse of the year VII the same Dupin writes : 
•• The Theophilanthropists still exist, but their niunber 
does not increase, and their existence makes no 
splash •• ; and in Germinal of the year VII' : ** No 
gnowth, no falling off." 

But one sees and may confidently state that in the 
year VIII, in Bramaire^ the Theophilanthropic Church 


was still living, and was still causing the Catholics 

The " cohabitation of cults/' under the system of 
the separation of Church and State, did not operate 
without a few quarrels. The Catholics often showed 
themselves extremely intolerant, as is proved by the 
numerous administrative reports on the subject. Thus, 
on the 20th of Messidor of the year VII the Catholics 
of Juniville (Ardennes) ** insulted those married in 
the decadal temple.*' On the 25th of the following 
Thermidor the Catholics of Charly (Aisne) burned the 
altar of the Theophilanthropists. In Paris they insulted 
them by the most aggressive species of mockery." The 
Theophilanthropists appeared perfectly conciliatory on 
all occasions. Thus in Paris, in the year VII, the muni- 
cipality of the 9th arrondissement had reserved the 
choir and the nave of Notre Dame for the decadal 
cult, having relegated the Catholics and the Theophilan- 
thropists to the lateral aisles. The Catholics grumbled 
and protested ; the Theophilanthropists submitted, 
although the destruction was involved of an altar in 
plaster-work which they had erected in the choir, and 
only requested that they should be indemnified to the 
extent of the cost of repairing the altar. In an undated 
report referring to these incidents the Minister of the 
Interior, Francois (of NeufchAteau), compared, in terms 
which for us are instructive, the intolerance of the 
Catholics, even of the non-Papists, with the concilia- 
tory spirit of the Theophilanthropists. 

" This intolerant sect/' he says of the Catholics, " will not suffer, in 
the places where it exercises its cult, any attributes other than those 
which distinguish itself. Where it places the image of Mary that of 
Wisdom must be veiled ; and the bust of Socrates oc of Plato must 

' Especially during the first year. See Paris pendant la riaciion for 
this subject ; vol. iv. pp. 383-496. When the Catholics saw their adver- 
saries were no longer gaining ground they quieted down. 


be replaced by that of St. Doodinic. Such a condescension would be 
weakness. It is quite enough to have left the chapels and one of the 
aisles to this malignant and exclusive sect. The Theophilanthropic 
sect, on the other hand, accommodates itself absolutely to the attri- 
butes of the decadal ceremonies ; they even regard them as auxiliary 
decorations of which they obtain the benefit" 

These quarrels between the cults fell short of civil 
war ; they did not even cause any serious disturbances. 
Under the system of separation the cults co -existed with 
a bad grace ; but they did co-exist. Just or unjust, 
legal or dictatorial, the severities of the Directory to- 
wards the most important of the churches prevented 
its preponderance, and a religious equilibriiun was 
established. At the beginning of the year VIII religious 
pacification was realised throughout the greater part 
of France, and was everywhere apparent. 

Although the Directory had not realised its after- 
thought — sometimes secret, sometimes openly avowed 
— of destroying the Catholic religion, it had by its 
policy popularised the idea of the secular State, and 
had fortified the secular character which the State had 
already constitutionally assumed. It took care to ensure 
that public instruction should have no other basis 
than rationalism. To cite only one example : the 
Minister of the Interior, Frangois, on the 17th of 
Vendimidire of the year VII, stated in a circular 
addressed to the professors of the Central Schools : 

" You must exclude from your teaching all that relates to dogmas 
and the rites of any religions or sects whatsoever. The Constitution 
certainly tolerates them ; but the teaching of them is not part of public 
instruction, nor can it ever be. The Constitution is founded on the 
basis of universal morality; and it is therefore this morality of all 
times, all places, all religions, this law engraven on the tablets of the 
human family, it is this that must be the soul of your teaching, the 
object of your precepts, and the connecting link of your studies, as it 
is the binding knot of society." ' 

' Recueil de lettres circulaires du Ministre dc rinUrieur, vol. i. p. 224. 


Shortly before the i8th of Fructtdor the Directory 
imposed on the candidates for public service the obliga- 
tion of having attended the State Schools (by the order 
of the 27th of Frimaire of the year VI). It then organ- 
ised a rigid inspection of the free schools, closing all 
those iii which the instruction was not founded on the 
rationalistic principles of the French Revolution (by 
an order of the 17th of Pluvidse of the year VI). 

Such was the reUgious policy of the Directory, and 
such was the evolution of the religious parties between 
the 1 8th of Fructidor of the year V and the i8th of 
Brumaire of the year VIII. 


The royalist party appeared to make it its own busi- 
ness to demonstrate the reality of the vast conspiracy 
denounced by the Directory, thereby justifying the coap 
d'itat of the i8th of Fractidor. An insurrection in 
Gard, directed by the royalist D. Allier, seized Pont- 
Saint -Esprit, but was unable to hold it. At Carpentras, 
at Tarascon, in the neighbourhood of Lyons, in the west, 
there were musterings of armed men. The Directory 
easily ended the matter. It placed Lyons, Montpellier, 
P^rigueux, Limoges, and a few other towns in which 
the royalists had risen in a state of siege. These 
royalists, seeing that France accepted the events of 
the 1 8th of Fructidor ^ were soon suppressed. 

They had hoped that the moderates, should the 
Republic fall into their hands, would have rallied finally 
to the monarchy. But the moderates were beaten, 
crushed. Those of the royalists who, with the Comte 
de Puisaye, leader of the Breton insurrection, had 
always preferred armed attacks upon the Republic to 
pacific action, parliamentary intrigues, and coalitions 
with the republicans of the Right, felt themselves en- 
couraged by events to continue their policy of insur- 


rection. On December 5, 1797 (the 15th of Frimaire 
of the year VI), Puisaye, Frott^, Ch&tillon, Bourmont, 
Suzannet, and d'Al^gre, assembled in London, addressed 
to the Comte d'Artois a collective letter, which is 
interesting to the historian, especially as the writers 
avowed that France was not royalist, as lying courtiers 
had made the King believe. Here are their own words : 
" * France,' they say (the courtiers), attributing to their 
pretended labours the natural and inevitable change 
of public opinion : * France is all royalist.' It would 
have been more correct to say : The French^ or nearly 
all the French^ are discontented. They should not 
have concluded as lightly as they did that the wishes 
of nearly all were united and centred on the return of 
the King." 

Certainly there are monarchists in France, but very 
many of them are inclined to choose another than 
a Bourbon king. For instance, were the Archduke 
Charles to marry the daughter of Louis XVI he would 
have excellent chances of supplanting Louis XVIII, 
and once on the throne ** it is our duty," says the 
deputation, " to inform the King and Monsieur that now 
among the royalists not a voice would protest, not 
a hand be raised to force him to descend." There is 
only one means of averting this danger : it is that 
Monsieur himself (the Comte d'Artois) should at last 
return to France and set himself at the head of his 
supporters. The CcMnte d'Artois dryly refuses, stating 
that this is not the moment for an insurrection. Also 
the eventuality of which he is warned does not 
materialise; on June 10, 1799 (the 22nd of Prairicd 
of the year VII), the daughter of Louis XVI marries her 
cousin, the Due d'Angoulfeme. 

In September, 1798, the royalist leaders send La 
Tr^mouille to Mitau to obtain a plain statement of 
his intentions from Louis XVIII himself ; but in vain. 

The diplomatic and military successes of the Re- 


public, the terror inspired among the ranks of the 
royalists pf the interior by the dictatorial laws, and 
the policy of aggression pursued after the i8th of 
Fructidor; the progress of republican ideas among 
even the rural masses of the French people* ; ^ these 
were the reasons why, from the end of the year V to 
the beginning of the year VII, neither the Comte 
d'Artois nor Louis XVIII would attempt anything. This 
was a period without civil war, but not without disturb- 
ances. What was known as Chouannerie was pro- 
visionally extinguished as an insurrection of armed 
bands, but persisted as a state of brigandage. The 
holding up and robbing of diligences and stage coaches 
was one of the means systematically recommended by 
the royalist leaders ; means in general employment of 
delaying the complete re -establishment of order and 
security. The mobile colunms which patrolled the 
country, and the soldiers who escorted the coaches, 
could not prevent the almost daily thefts and assassina- 
tions. France was almost terrorised. It was felt that 
the government which could not establish the security 
of the highways was not sound. This absence of confi- 
dence was one of the chief reasons why the impost was 
so irregularly paid during all this period ; and it may 
be noted in passing that the terrible financial difficulties 
from which the Directory suffered were due to the 
anxiety caused by the royalists and the refractory 
priests . 

Yet order would have been re-established if the 
military situation had not grown critical ; and if the 
first successes of the second coalition had not 
threatened the Republic with the danger of extinction. 

" The tmanimous emotion caused by the news of the death of Hoche, 
which was reported on the third complementary day of the year V 
(September 19, 1797)1 the popular success of the funeral ceremonies in 
honour of the great republican soldier, and the general sorrow of the 
nation, attested the vitality of Revolutionary France. 


Then between Prairiat and Fructidor of the year VII 
Louis XVIII decided to put his fate to the test, and 
the Comte d'Artois organised insurrections in Langue- 
doc, Brittany, Anjou, Maine, Perche, and JNormandy, 
with the aid of Cadoudal, Chitilloni, Bourmlont, and 
Frott6 as leaders. He endeavoured to procure a diver- 
sion in the interior which would benefit Souvaroff and 
the Austrians, 

The first of these royalist insurrections, and perhaps 
the most serious, took place in Thermidor of the year 
VII, in Haute-Garonne, Ari^ge, Gers, Aude, Tarn, Lot, 
and Lot -et -Garonne. It had been prepared from a 
distance by the intigris; refractory priests returned 
from all quarters, and the insurrection broke out at the 
news of the Republic's military disasters, and during 
the spasm of discontent which the levy of all classes 
had caused among the peasantry. About Toulouse, on 
the night of the i8th of Thermidor^ an army of fifteen 
or twenty thousand men spontaneously assembled — dis- 
contented peasants and refractory conscripts, incited to 
the pitch of fanaticism by priests, officered by nobles, 
and under the command of an ex-General of the 
Republic named Roug6. Their purpose was to take 
Toulouse, the garrison of that town having of neces- 
sity been sent to the frontier. The courage and 
presence of mind of the departmental administrations, 
in especial that of Haute-Garonne, managed, thanks 
to the patriotism of the National Guards, to offer a 
sudden and effective resistance. A -small army of volun- 
teers was organised in Toulouse. The royal army, 
which had already captured a few small towns, notably 
that of Muret, was forced to beat a retreat, and was 
crushed at Montr^jeau (on the 3rd of Fructidor of the 
year VII). This victory was due solely to the courage 
of the republicans of the south. When the troops 
despatched by the Minister of War arrived at Toulouse 
imder the command of General Fr6geville the insurrec- 


tion was vanquished; and France heard of the beginning 
and the close of it almost at the same time. 

In Normandy Frott^, who had landed there on the 
1st lof Vendimiaire of the year VII I^ found himself 
immediately at the head of about ten thousand insur- 
gents. They constituted themselves a " royal and 
Catholic army " ; and in a proclamation of Octo- 
ber 25, 1799 (the 3rd of Brumaire of the year VIII), 
'* in the name of the God of our fathers and on 
behalf of our legitimate King Louis XVI 11/* it called 
upon •* the brave and faithful Normans " to ** fly to 
arms/' promising them that Monsieur was about to 
land in France. Frott6 dared not or could not occupy 
any town. 

In the other risings the royalists were bolder, and 
attacked the larger towns. On the night of the 22nd 
of Vendimiaire of the year VIII the army of the Comte 
de Bourmont took the city of Mans by surprise, pil- 
laged it, and remained its master until the 25th, when 
they retired at the approach of republican troops. 
Chiitillon and d*Andign6 attempted to capture Nantes ; 
their army entered it on the night of the 27th of 
Vendimiaire^ but was able only to free some prisoners 
before it was put to flight. On the 4th of Brumaire 
Chfttillon attacked the town of Vannes, but without 
success. On the same night a thousand Chouans took 
Saint-Brieuc, but could only maintain their position 
for a few hours. In Anjou, d'Autichamp attempted to 
surprise Cholet ; but the royalists were themselves 
surprised by a sortie of the garrison of the town, and 
were dispersed (on the 7th of Brumaire). 

On the 1 6th of Brumaire the Minister of War, 
Dubois -Craned, in a report submitted to the Directory, 
estimated the insurgent forces in the West at the 
following figures : 

"ChatiUon, in Anjou, has 3,000 men and hopes to muster 12,000; 
Bourmont, in Maine, has 7,000, whom he believes he can increase to 

VOL. rv. 8 


15,000 ; Frotte professes to have 20,000 under him in Normandy ; there 
are as many more in Brittany mider different leaders. The bands are 
largely composed of young men subjected to requisition or conscription^ 
enlisted in the cause by or against their own wishes." 

These insurgent leaders hoped soon to be in a posi- 
tion to assist the English, the Austrians, and the 
Russians. Their hopes were disappointed. The vic- 
tories of Brune in Holland and Mass^na in Zurich (3rd 
sanS'Culottide, year VIII) preserved France from invasion 
and saved the Republic. On the other hand, although 
the royalists had at the outset enjoyed an astonishing 
and rapid success, they had been unable to maintain 
themselves in the towns they conquered. In no region 
of France was their audacity seconded by the general 
and enthusiastic assent of the population. It was no 
difficult task to seize upon places whose garrisons had 
been sent to the front ; but nowhere was it possible for 
them to establish themselves securely • The royalist 
leaders knew themselves beaten, not only by the vic- 
tories of Brune and Mass^na over their allies, but by 
the failure of their plan to rouse the peasantry. At 
the moment when the Directory came to an end these 
leaders were considering the question of capitulation. 
General H^douville, a former chief of staff under Hoche, 
appointed commander of the " Army of England " — 
that is, the forces available for use against the Chouans 
— had some experience of such ** pacifications." He 
at once began to negotiate with the generals of Louis 
XVIII. On the i8th of Brumaire of the year VIII 
he received in his general quarters at Angers Mme. 
de Turpin-Criss^, instructed by MM. de Ch&tillon and 
d'Autichamp to open negotiations with a view to an 

Thus at the moment of the fall of the Directory 
the royalist insurrection in the West was morally 
defeated, and the royalist party in general was in a 


state of rapid decadence. > In Paris it had been for 
a long time reduced to hiding in the salons and the 
masonic lodges .^ 


The coup dTitat of the 1 8th of Fructidor was effected 
by an understanding between the democratic repub- 
licans (then called Jacobins, anarchists^ Terrorists, and 
exclusives) and the bourgeois republicans (otherwise 
called Directorial, or liberal -conservatives). This 
agreement did not last. The republicans of the Right 
reoonrnienced, at the end of some months, to attack 
the republicans of the Left, reproaching them with 
their Babeuvist connections and tendencies. At the Con- 
stitutional Club, on the 9th of Ventdse of the year VI, 
Benjamin Constant fulminated against the '* anarchists," 
whom he declared were more contemptible than formid- 
able : 

" They want," he said, " to equal Danton, by recommending anarchy ; 
bnt Danton had powerful conceptions and profound emotions ; Danton 
overwhelmed the souls of his listeners, because Danton himself had a 

' Is it true that the Director Barras had t>ecome the secret agent of 
Louis XVIII in the year VII ? Letters patent have been published, 
dated from May 8, 1799, in which the King assured him of impunity 
in respect of his regicide in the event of restoration. It appeared that 
he received a money pa3rment for his treason. He took money again 
at the Restoration. In his Mimoires Barras states that having received 
overtures from Louis XVIII, he spoke of the fact to his colleagues in 
the Directory, who requested him to pretend to allow himself to be 
bought, and to follow up the intrigue. The fact that one cannot cite 
a single service which the ro3ralists received from Barras appears to 
confirm his posthumous justification. See Fauche-Borel, Mhnoires; 
Th. Muret, Hisioire des guerres de TOuest ; Gohier, Mhnoires ; E. Datidet, 
Les tmigris et la seconde coalition; C. Nauroy, Le Curieux ; Chassin, 
Les Pacifications, 

* Dupin says of the royalists in a report : " Shut up in their masonic 
lodges, they imagine they can escape the eyes of the police and seduce 
public functionaries at their banquets." 


soul ; Danton was susceptible of pity, of that virtue of generous hearts, 
without which man is nothing to man, and can do nothing with men ; 
and his pretended heirs, clumsy gabblers of distorted speeches, cold in 
their delirium and petty in their corruption, are narrow and trivial as 
the interest that animates them." 

But there is no need to speak of Terrorists, of 
anarchists. The peril to-day is of another kind. It 
is property that is threatened : 

" The Revolution was effected for the sake of the liberty and equality 
of all, and to leave the property of each inviolable. Wherever pro- 
perty exists it should be inviolable ; to touch it is to invade it ; to 
disturb it is to destroy it ; it is a miracle of the social order; it has 
become its basis ; it can only cease to be ao by ceasing to exist Now 
the Revolution did not intend that it should cease to exist ; it therefore 
undertakes to defend it. From what has not been done against pro- 
perty results what has been done in its favour ; and all the means of 
government, all the measures of the legislator, must tend to maintain 
it, to consolidate it, to surround it with a sacred t>arrier. . . . Who 
dispossesses the rich man threatens the poor man ; who proscribes 
opulence conspires against mediocrity." 

The Directorial republicans were resolute conserva- 
tives. But if the proprietors whom they wished to 
defend did not rally sincerely to the Republic, both the 
proprietors and the Directorial republicans would be lost. 
" The events of eight years," says Benjamin Constant, 
*• afford us the perpetual example of men who have 
perished through their allies. It is therefore more 
than time to learn to avoid imprudent alliances. The 
nobility, who were not attacked, rushed to the rescue 
of feudality ; the nobility are no more. Royalty, which 
was spared, ran to the succour of the nobihty in peril ; 
royalty has passed away. Property, which we respect, 
and hope always to respect, seems to devote many 
regrets and some efforts to the re-establishment of 
vanquished royalty. Let property beware ; the decree 
is irrevocable ; he who supports that which is bound 
to fall only determines his own fall ; and if property 


grows blind we may well perish with it^ but not 
protect it." 

During the elections of the year VI it was necessary, 
in Constant's words, to oppose " hereditariness and 
arbitrariness " together ; in order to succeed it was 
essential ** to confide the functions of the Republic 
only to republicans/' « 

This incoherent programme was not the one to rally 
public opinion. Not that the democrats had a more 
lucid or solid programme ; not that they had any 
progranmie at all, as far as can be seen, except to 
change the personnel of the Government. But the 
Directory gave them a species of popularity by persecu- 
ting them, by excluding them from the functions of 
office, by suppressing their journals, while at the same 
time it was making itself unpopular by showing itself 
surrounded by dubious functionaries, by stockjobbers ; 
a dishonest sequel in which Barras would seem to have 
been the leading figure. As a result of these disorders 
(themselves the result of the financial expedients to 
which the Government was constrained to resort on 
account of the continuation of the war), the democratic 
republicans (or those who had been such) represented 
integrity and virtue. 

The elections of Germinal of the year VI were 
favourable to them ; they obtained a majority ; less '^ 
as democrats than as opponents of the Directory. 

The Directory immediately cried out at the " social 
peril." In a message of the 13th of Florial of the 
year VI it denounced its adversaries of the Left as 
socialists and Robespierrists : 

"By anarchists the Directory does not understand those energetic 
repablicans, lovers rather then friends of liberty, who are capable 
of submitting the imperious sentiment of liberty to the law ; by this 


■ Discours prononci au Ccrcle constituiionel, le 9 Ventose, an VI, par 
Benjamin Constant 


word it understands fiiose men covered with blood and rapine, who 
preach the common happiness in order to enrich themselves by the 
ruin of ail ; who speak of equality hoping to become despots ; men 
capable of all baseness and all crime, sighing for their old powers ; 
the men who, on the 8th of Thermidor, were Robespierre's agents, and 
occupied places throughout the whole Republic ; who since the 
9th of Thermidor have figured in all conspiracies; who were the hench- 
men of Babeuf and the conspirators of the camp of Grenelle." ' 

The Directory ended by requesting the deputies to 
take "measures as eiRcacious " as those of the i8th 
of Fructidor^ and " to have as little to do with Babeuf 
as with the supporters of a phantom king." As a 
result of Bailleul's report the Council of Five Hundred 
adopted a resolution, on the 19th of Florial^ which the 
Elders approved on the 22nd. We have already 
analysed this celebrated law of the 22nd of Florial^ 
the aim and effect of which was to change, in a revolu- 
tionary spirit, the results of the last elections, and to 
eliminate a large proportion of the opposition of the 

The preamble of this law forms a long indictment 
of the deputies to be excluded. It states that there 
is a royalist conspiracy " which is divided into two 
branches, and has employed two kinds of agents, who 
have apparently taken opposite sides, but who have 
actually been marching towards the same end." On 
the one hand royalism, flying its true colours, has 
elected a few deputies. " On the other hand, and in 
a greater number of departments, royalism, despairing 
of its own forces, has put a faction in its place, the 
corrupted tool of the foreigner, the enemy of law of 
any kind, and destructive to the whole social order." 
Henceforward it was the official custom to represent the 

' If we subtract the insults, this is a very fair historical definition of 
the democratic republican party under the bourgeois Republic ; the old 
governmental personnel (of the year II) as opposed to the new; the 
equalitarian as opposed to the liberal policy. 


democratic republicans as the allies of the royalists ; 
and for a long time denunciations were heard of 
royalism in the red bonnet. 

There is no evidence that this assertion was not 
calumnious. The Directorial republicans never alleged 
any definite example of this pretended alliance of the 
republicans of the Left with the royalists, and I have 
discovered nothing to indicate even a momentary agree- 
ment between the partisans of Louis XVIII and the 

Drafted with as much haste as anger, this law did 
not merely calunmiate those it struck ; it struck them 
at hazard. If it eliminated Robert and Thomas Lindet 
(Eure), Doppet (Mont-Blanc), Fion (Ourthe), and Le- 
quinio (Nord), it is easy to see that it was because 
these citizens were really suspected of " Jacobinism " 
or ** anarchy." But why should the sCame law allow 
equally notable " Jacobins " to retain their seats? It 
left unstricken, for example, Monge (Bouches-du- 
Rhdne), Crevelier and Guimberteau (Charente), 
Florent Guiot (C6te-d'0r), Briot and Quirot (Doubs), 
Destrem (Haute -Garonne), G^nissieu (Isfere), and Talot 
(Maine-et-Loire), all republicans after the fashion of 
the year II, and elected or re-elected to the two 
Councils. The truth is that at the time no one was 
really conscious of the difference in the ideas and even 
in the personnel of the two parties. All anti-clericals, 
the republicans were divided, after the i8th of 
Fructidor as before it, only upon secondary ques-l 
tions ; almost the only exception being that the repub-j -c\- 
licans of the Left were for a moment allied to thej 

This alliance was apparently abandoned, in Paris, at I 
the moment of the elections of the year VI. Certainly \ 
at the electoral assembly, at the Oratory, there 
were Babeuvists, or at least persons who had been 
more or less compromised during Babeuf 's trial ; but 


there is no trace whatever extant of any " sociaUstic " 
disturbance during these elections. > 

It may even be doubted if all the deputies excluded 
as anarchists were really of the opposition. In Pas- 
de -Calais four were excluded out of the nine elected : 
namely. Coffin, Th^ry, Cocud, Crachet. Now Coffin 
was the Directorial commissary to the central ad- 
ministration of Pas-de-Calais ; Th^ry was Directorial 
commissary to the municipal administration of 
Bapaiune ; Cocud had been appointed judge by the 
Directory after the i8th of Fractidor; as for Crachet, 
administrator of the district of Saint -Omer in 1793, 
he had been dismissed as a moderate after the 31st 
of May ; the Directory had appointed him, in the 
year IV, commissary to the correctional tribunal of 
Saint -Omer ; then, in the year VI, he was promoted to be 
public accuser to the criminal court of Pas -de -Calais. 
Here, then, are four officials appointed by the Directory, 
enjoying its confidence, whom the Legislative Corps 
has cast out from its midst as anarchists 1 One of the 
four— Crachet—called attention to the matter in a 
brochure which had a great success .> 

Antonelle also, one of the leaders of the supposed 
" anarchists,*' published a criticism of the law of the 
22nd of Florialy in which he took his stand entirely 
on the Constitution of the year III. Those of the 
dem,Ocrats who were reputed to be the most violent 

' The conservative republicans would gladly have given a contrary 
impression. They printed a placard entitled : Tentatives de rialiser 
le sysihne de Babeuf, par la vote des ilections, prouvies par une 
petite liste aiphabitique de quelques principaux ilecteurs du canton 
de Pans, enfants chiris de Babeuf, qui tenaient le di h FOratoire. 
The list of names is as follows : Audouin, Antonelle, Alibert, Andre, 
Boudin, Briffaut, Crepin, Creton, Casset, Clemence, Camus, Daubigny, 
Fyon, Fiquet, Gaultier de Biauzat, Groslaire, Jorry, Julien, Lavigne, 
Leban, Moreau, Naudon, Pierron, Real, Toutin, Tissot. 

• Appel aux principes, ou Premiere lettre de Robert Crachet, 15 
Thermidor, an III, Seconde lettre, i Venditniaire, an VII, 


strongly advised against any insurrection, and their 
political behaviour was strictly constitutional. > 

The Legislative Corps itself was apparently swiftly 
ashamed of this incoherent coap (Pitat. At a dinner 
of deputies on the 28th of Prmrial of the year ,VI, 
Bailleul having proposed a toast to the law of the 2 2nd 
of Florial^ there were violent protestations, and the 
toast was not drunk. 

This peril of the Left, so loudly denounced, began 
to appear chimerical, especially when it was seen that 
the Parisian working-men were indifferent to the demo- 
cratic propaganda. The police laughed at the efforts 
"of the 150 brigands x)f the anarchist staff."* Why? 
Because the famine had ceased, and the means of sub- 
sistence were cheap. Since the beginning of Frimaire 
of the year V, com was at 24 livres, meat at 4 sous 
the livre on the hoof or 8 sous dressed. A police report 
of VendinUaire of the year VII stated that the people 
were contented to possess at last the three eights that 
had been demanded so constantly in 1789 and 1790 : 
bread at 8 sous the 3 livres, wine at 8 sous the litre, 
and meat at 8 sous the livre. 3 The Ridacteur of the 
24th of Messidor describes the increasing well-being 
of the people in the following terms : 

"Another very remarkable change for the better, although little 
attention has been paid to it, is the standard of living among the 
labourers and artisans ; not only is their ordinary diet better, in so 

' See, for instance, a pamphlet entiUed : La grande conspiration 
anarchique de TOraioire renvoyie h ses auteurs, by Citizen Bach. The 
author attacks the law of the 22nd of Florial, and speaks in commenda- 
tion of the electors of the Oratory, of whom he is one. The anarchist 
conspiracy ? it is the work of the usurpers of the sovereignty of the 
people ; of the stockjobbers, police-spies, &c. — But no insurrection. 
Let us rally round the Constitution of the year III. — Such is the 
substance of this pamphlet, which was denounced as a hardy piece 
of opposition on the part of the Left. 

* Paris pendant la rlaction^ fit;., vol. iv. p. 721. 

» Ibid,, vol. V. p. 173. 


far as they eat more meat and more vegetables than formerly, but it is 
more equally distributed. A short time ago two wretched meals 
costing 5 or even 4^ sous only, with plain water to drink, was all that 
could be afforded, week in week out, by all the journeymen tailors, 
cobblers, saddlers, stone-cutters, &c., of Paris. As a re»ilt they used 
to guzzle in New France, Poland, or the Piggeries, all Sunday and half 
through Monday, so that all the streets neighbouring on these quarters 
were full of drunkards who found them too narrow, and who were 
fighting among themselves or with their women, who tried to get them 
home. To-day these same men eat and drink less on Dicadi a.nd 
Primidi, on Sunday and Monday, but in return they have much better 
fare on the other days of the week, and usually drink a little wine 
at each meal. Their physique and their morality can only be the 
gainers by this change of diet." 

No propaganda, whether in favour of universal suffrage 
or Babeuvism, had a chance of success in the Faubourgs 
Saint -Marceau and Saint -Antoine, from which conscrip- 
tion had taken nearly all the active young men, and 
where, after so much physical hardship and suffering, 
mere material life had become so much better than 
ever it had been before. 


So it was not in the streets, but in the Legislative 
Corps, that the influence of the democratic republicans 
was felt. The coup (Pitat of the 22nd of Flortal had 
not eliminated all the new deputies ; enough had re- 
mained to work a sensible change in the spirit of the 
two Councils. There was a strong opposition to the 
Directory, especially in questions of finance ; an oppo- 
sition whose object was to draw the Legislative Corps 
out of the state of subordination in which the coap 
dUtat of the i8th of Pructidor had placed and left 
it. The Government was made responsible for mal- 
versations which the most indulgent could not fail to 
observe in the administration, especially of things 
military. Royalists no longer, but ardent republicans 


like G^nissieu^ now denounced to the Five Hundred 
(on the 19th of Thermidor of the year VI) a ** faction 
which threatens liberty by the loss of the public wealth 
and the demoralisation of society." The reporter of 
a commission which the Five Hundred had instructed 
to conduct an inquiry into the matter gave vent to 
this cry of alarm (on the 2nd of Fractidor of the 
year VI ) : 

''There is no department of the public administration into which 
immorality and corruption have not crept ... A longer indulgence 
would make you the accomplices of these men whom the voice of the 
public accuses. They will be struck down from the height of their 
sumptuous chariots, and hurled into the void of public contempt : 
these men whose colossal fortunes are a proof of the infamous and 
criminal means which they have employed in acquiring them." 

Certainly the speaker affected to attribute these dis- 
orders to the ** bureaucracy," not to the Directory itself. 
But a large division of public opinion was less indul- 
gent ; it was to Barras, the self-indulgent rake, that the 
thefts of the contractors and the scandals of market - 
rigging were attributed ; they were attributed also even 
to the honest Reubell, who thus paid dearly for the 
lying agents with whom he had weakly surrounded 
himself ; Reubell, on whom fell the unpopularity of 
his protigt^ the Minister of War Sch^rer, and the 
accusations formulated on all hands against his relative 
Rapinat, conunissary of the Directory in Switzerland. 
People did not scruple to say that it was from the 
salons of the Directory that issued all the corruption 
displayed by the cynical nouveaux-riches who had 
speculated in national property, assignats, and army 
stores ; and many historians have retrospectively per- 
ceived the source of this corruption in the manners 
of the society of the day. 

But the periods at which most complaint is made of 
unfortunate manners are perhaps not those when 
manners are actually at their worst. If we read care- 


fully the absolutely contemporary testimony of eye- 
witnesses, namely, the journals and the police reports, 
we find that the fashions complained of as obscene 
are adopted only by a few eccentric persons ; that 
even the royalist journals are written in a more decent 
style than was the case under the monarchy ; that 
the contributors to these journals cry out at the least 
scandal, and that although morals may have been easy 
in the garden of Idalia, prostitution in Paris was 
diminishing. In Prairial of the year VI the Directorial 
commissary Dupin Mrrote : 

'' Manners ' are not bad ; there is still a sense of public decency, and 
in spite of austere critics we may say, comparing the manners of 
to-day with those of the ancien rigime, that there is less ceremony but at 
least as much sincerity and integrity. For some time prostitution has 
been less of a scandal than it was. The police are seriously striving to 
suppress it." ■ 

So when people speak of the " corruption of the 
Directory," as I did myself at a time when I was 
wont to put too much trust in memoirs, they are using 
an ^.busive generalisation ; and there is no justifica- 
tion for attributing the morals of Barras to the whole 
Directory, or the morals of a few dishonest contractors 
to the whole of France. If an affirmation were per- 
missible, one might almost say that under the Directory 

^public morality was in a state of progress. 

One thing is certain : that the opposition had per- 
suaded the nation that the Directory was not dealing 

■ honestly with the public finances. When the electors 
assembled, from the 20th of Germinal of the year VII 

' The word maeurs used throughout this passage means more than 
manners. I have commonly translated it by manners iar convenience ; 
but its exact significance usually includes morality as well The 
vocabulary of the illiterate classes gives almost the exact nuance to the 
word " ways " : "I don't like his ways" — [Trans.] 

' Paris pendant la ration, &c,, vol. iv. p. 735. As to the question 
of public morality under the Directory, see the whole of vols. iv. and v. 



to the 29th, they were convinced that the undeniable 
waste and embezzlement was the work of the Directory ; 
that there was systematic dishonesty on the part of the 
Gk>vemment and the administrations, which must be 
radically dealt with. They knew also that the Army 
of Italy, defeated, was in full retreat ; that the Russians 
were coming into line against France, while the best 
general of the Republic was wasting himself at the 
siege of Acre. The newly elected third was com- 
posed of republicans of the Left ; nearly all of them 
hostile to the Directory. The latter, by a stroke of 
ill-luck, lost one of its members, Reubell, by lot, and 
replaced him by Si^yfes, who was notoriously hostile 
to the Directorial policy, and had in his head a plan I 
of constitutional reform. 

When the new third came to take their seats the 
Directory had lost all the prestige of its military and 
diplomatic victories. Jourdan, defeated, had recrossed 
the Rhine, and the French plenipotentiaries had just 
been murdered at Rastadt. Discontented and anxious, 
the majority of the Legislative Corps, thanks to the 
complicity of Si^yfes and the seeming treachery of 
Barras, was able to prepare a sort of coup (Citat against 
the majority of the Directory. On the 17th of Prairial 
the Council of Five Hundred invited the Directory 
to explain the causes of the disasters to the French 
arms, and the means which it proposed as a remedy. 
The Directory remained silent. On the 28th it was 
summoned to reply, and the Five Hundred put them- 
selves in a state of permanent session until the answer 
should arrive. Finally the Directory decided to send 
a message, in which it spoke of the " causes " of the 
disasters in such a way as to justify itself and to 
blame the Legislative Corps ; but it postponed the 
explanation of the " means " to be adopted as a 

The Legislative Corps had opened hostilities by 



annulling, on constitutional pretexts, the election of 
the Director Treilhard, although then of a year's stand- 
ings replacing him by Gohier, an upright and inde- 
pendent republican. 

On the 30th of Prairialy in the Five Hundred, Boulay 
(of Meurthe) declared that ** a great blow must be 
struck " in order to force Merlin and La Revel lifere to 
send in their resignations. He reproached the former 
with having " put into practice the most disgusting and 
tortuous Machiavelism," and the latter with having 
"attacked the liberty of the conscience" in order to 
favour Theophilanthropy . To report upon the motion 
the Five Hundred immediately appointed a commission 
of which Boulay was again the reporter. His report, 
submitted before the same session was over, vaguely 
complained of " arbitrary actions and illegal deten- 
tions," and drew the conclusion that a message on the 
subject should be sent to the Directory. This conclusion 
adopted, the Five Hundred, on the motion of Fran^ais 
(of Nantes), '* considering that conspiracies might be 
hatched against the safety of the national representation 
or one of its members," voted the following resolution, 
which the Elders at once converted into law : " Any 
authority or individual who shall make any attempt 
upon the security of the national representation or of 
any one of its members, whether by giving directions 
or by executing them, shall be outlawed." 
^ Merlin and La Revel li^re-L^peaux dared not resist 
jthis coercion, but sent in their resignations, and were 
immediately replaced by General Moulin and the ex- 
' Conventional Roger Ducos. 

I It will be remarked that Barras, formerly denounced 
as forming a triumvirate with the other two Directors 
just named, was allowed to retain his post. Is it true, 
as we are told, that he effected a treacherous reconcilia- 
tion with the majority in the Coimcils by betrajring to 
them the plans of campaign of the threatened Directors, 


thus causing them to miscarry? In the Mimoires com- 
piled by Rousselin and Saint -Albin from the post- 
humous notes of Barras, we read that the latter per- 
suaded his two colleagues to resign by stating that he 
would immediately follow their example ; we read also 
that he negotiated with the leaders of the Legislative 
Corps. He felt that the military and diplomatic checks 
which the Directory had suffered had deprived it of 
the strength required for an attempt to bring about a 
new coup (PStat like that of the 1 8th of Fructidor, and 
at the last moment, by abandoning his colleagues, he 
made the victory of the Legislative Corps over the 
Directory a possibility. 

This victory is known as the coup (Vitat of the 30th 
of Prairial of the year VII, although the coup (Vitat I 7?^ 
consisted only of a purely moral and assuredly legal 
pressure. But from that time onwards the Constitution 
of the year III, irremediably strained, seemed doomed 
quickly to disappear ; and Si^yfes, aided by the weak 
Ducos, prepared for the realisation of his mysterious 


It was the external danger — the defeats of the French t 
in Germany and in Italy — which had led the Council 
of Five Hundred to assume, on the 30th of Prairial^ 
the attitude of a Convention. The continuation of the 
external peril, the victorious march of Souvaroff, the 
threat of an invasion of France, while the best French 
general was in the East with a picked army, quickly 
provoked a return, in the interior, to the forms of the 

The need became sensible, as it had in 1792 and 
I793> of a strong and almost dictatorial centralisation 
of the Government. 

It was to re-establish unity in the Directory, to give 


lit strength to save a France threatened by her neigh- 
bours, that the Five Hundred compelled La Revellifere- 
L^peaux and Merlin to resign. But the Five Hundred 
were suffering from an illusion. Although Barras had 
all the appearance of a Government leader, in reality he 
no longer directed anything, and was destroying him- 
self by acting at the same time (or so it seems) as the 
accomplice of all the parties. Roger Ducos did not 
count. Gohier was apparently a mediocrity. Moulin 
was upright — no more. Si^y^s was dreaming of another 
republic, of which he would be the elector. The Minis- 
try, from Prairial of the Year VII to Brumaire of the 
year VIII, was the shadow of the Directory ; powerless, 
and divided. Fouch^, in the Ministry of Police, was 
making ready for any kind of treason ; Reinhard, in 
the Ministry of External Relations, was merely the 
agent of his predecessor Talleyrand ; Dubois -Craned, 
who was about to replace Bemadotte as Minister of 
War, and Robert Lindet, Minister of Finance, were 
no longer wielding their power under conditions which 
allowed them the full play of their clairvoyant energies. 
But these republican names — Dubois-Cranc6, Lindet, 
Fouch^ — seemed to recall and restore revolutionary 
forms of government ; and such was the patriotic exal- 
tation of the country that on the approach of Souvaroff 
all divergencies for the moment disappeared, to make 
way for a violent effort of national defence. 

The language and the pose of 1793 returned. Just 
as after the great popular " days " or insurrections the 
vanquished were tried and condemned, so did the ad- 
vanced republicans of the Council of Five Hundred 
desire (but in vain) to try and execute the three ex- 
Directors, Merlin, La Revellifere-L6peaux, and Reubell : 
the ** Royalist Triimivirs," as they unjustly called them. 
The Council of Five Hundred created something like a 
Committee of Public Safety ; a Commission of Eleven, 
which soon became a Commission of Seven. The 


Directory was authorised to make domiciliary visits. 
As in August, 1793, recourse was had to the levie en 
massBy the general levy, so on the i oth of Messidor of 
the year VII (June 28, 1799) conscripts of all classes 
without exception were called for. As in 1792, the[ 
cry that the country was in danger was heard JFrom the I 
tribime, and Jourdan proposed to proclaim this danger 
(on the 27th and 28th of Fructidor) ; the Five Hundred 
refused, but Jourdan's wild words were applauded. i 
Finally, as we shall see. Terrorist laws were voted, and] : 
the Jacobins reappeared. / 

In 1793, for the needs of national defence, the Con- 1 
vention had established a forced loan of a milliard uponj 
•' the rich." On the 19th of Frimaire of the year IV j 
the Councils had voted a compulsory loan of about 
six hundred millions, upon a fifth of the taxable popu- 
lation. These expedients had succeeded but ill ; but in 
the year VII, imder the pressure of national peril, they 
were repeated. On the loth of Messidor the "easy" j .^v^' 
class was called upon to fill up a loan of a hundred 
millions to organise new battalions. On the 19th this 
measure took the form of a progressive tax established 
in proportion to the tax on landed property. A law 
more revolutionary and more of the Terrorist type was 
that of the 24th of Messidor of the year VII, called 
the law of the hostages. At the moment when it became 
necessary to rob the interior of its garrisons in order 
to defend the frontiers, no one knew how to prevent 
the brigandage of the royalists, the isolated assassina- 
tions, the holding-up of diligences, and the pillage 
of all kinds that the *' Jacobin " journals indignantly 
enumerated. By the law of hostages it was deter- 
mined that when a department, canton, or commune 
was notoriously in a disturbed condition the Directory 
should propose to the Legislative Corps that it should 
be declared affected by the following measures : the 
relatives of imigris^ the former nobles, and the relatives 
VOL. rv. 9 


of brigands, both men and women, would be held re- 
sponsible for assassination or looting ; they would all 
be put under arrest as hostages. For each assassin of 
a patriot four hostages would be deported ; and all the 
hostages in addition would pay a fine of 5,000 livres. 
For each act of pillage, the hostages would pay the 
victim a sum, as damages, to be determined. Such was 
this law, more threatening than easy of execution ; 
indeed, the Government apparently had only begun to 
apply it in a few rare cases when the recovery of the 
military situation rendered it void and useless. 


Of all the effects of the Terrorist reaction brought 
U . about by the external conditions, the most startling and 
important was the resurrection of the Jacobin Club. 
We have already seen that the old parent society at- 
tempted to reconstitute itself, both at the outset of 
the Directory and after the i8th of Pructidor: near the 
Pantheon, or in the Rue du Bac, or in the Faubourg 
Saint -Antoine. But the Constitution of the year III 
authorised none but ** private societies connected with 
politics " ; these societies might neither qualify them- 
selves as populafy nor become mutually affiliated, nor 
correspond one with another, nor hold public meetings 
at which members and outsiders were distinct from one 
another, nor make any collective petition. 

The Directory had until then been able to fetter 
or suppress the clubs at will, so long as the country 
was not in danger and so long as public opinion refused 
to tolerate the Jacobins. But in the year VII, under 
the threat of invasion, opinion was so far modified 
as to allow of a serious attempt at the reorganisation 
of the Jacobin Club against the enemy at home, allied, 
as in 1792 and 1793, with the enemy at the gates. 
On the 1 8 th of At ess id or (July 6, 1799) a Reunion 


d'Amis de la liberti et da Figaliti was formed in the 
Salle du Manage, with the tacit authorisation of the 
Council of Elders. In order not to seem to violate the 
Constitution by openly re-establishing the old parent 
society, the Jacobins had neither president nor secre- 
taries ; but ** a regulator, a vice -regulator, and anno- 
tators." The law forbade petitions ; the Jacobins drew 
up addresses and posted them up. The law forbade 
affiliation ; there was a " spontaneous " breaking-forth 
of sister societies in all the large towns, organised on 
the lines of the Parisian society. 

The " Riunion " of the Manage had a periodical 
organ' : the Journal des hommes libres; a worthy 
successor of the Journal de la Montague. It had 3,000 
adherents, of whom 250 were deputies. Its regulators 
(or presidents) were Destrem, Moreau (Yonne), and 
General Augereau. Among its leaders or orators were 
Drouet, F^lix Le Peletier, Bouchotte, Prieur (Mame), and 
Xavier Audouin. Its commission of public instruction 
strove to indoctrinate France. It acted prudently, 
affecting legal and constitutional forms. But from the 
tribune of the club the members not only eulogised the 
republicans of the year II ; they did not confine them- 
$elves to stigmatising the insurrection of the 9th of 
Thermidor, to exalting the memory of the victims of 
Prairialf or to vaunting the democratic republic : zealous 
orators dared to praise Babeuf and Darth6, and to 
publish a socialist programme ; so that the neo -Jacobins 
were accused of ** preaching the agrarian law." « 

' These neo-Jacobins were the socialist-radicals, as we have seen. 
They venerated the memory of the democrats and Babeuvists. We read, 
in a speech by Marchand (of the 2nd of Thermidor of the year VII) : 
" Goujon, Bouchotte, Romme, Soubrany, Duquesnoy, and you, Babeuf 
and Darthe, virtuous martsrrs of liberty, as yet we have raised no 
obelisk to your memory," &c. In speeches of the 30th of Messidor and 
the 7th of Thermidor, Bach proposes "to establish a progressive impost 
immediately, using the surplus of what the rich will thus pay for the 
alleviation of the imposts on the industrious and laborious class." To 


Insulted at the outset by the royalists, by the Incroy- 
ables^ by the *• young men with spy-glasses, curls, and 
queues, and black or violet stocks," they were soon 
denounced before the Council of Elders as anarchists 
and factious people, and had to emigrate to the old 
Jacobin convent in the Rue du Bac, where they met 
from the 9th to the 25 th of Thermidor. On the 26th 
the Directory closed their hall, and the club disap- 
peared ; after thirty -eight days of a very stormy and 
unequal career, which alarmed the bourgeoisie and pre- 
pared them to accept as from a saviour guarantees 
against this ** red spectre " which for a moment had 
r^ppeared ; and against the agrarian law, the new 
partition of the national property which the Jacobins 
had imprudently preached from their tribune. 

From this point of view the resurrection of the 
Jacobins had grave historical consequences. 

reduce official salaries, to make the enemies of the people '* stump up," 
to establish relief workshops, to demand an account of the employment 
of all incomes over z»200 livres — such was the programme. Lastly, 
would it not be just, when the poor citizens were about to defend the 
soil, to declare them co-proprietors with the more fortunate ? On the 
i8th of Thermidor, in a programme voted upon the introduction of 
a motion by Felix Le Peletier, the club expressed these desires : '* To 
re-establish the democratic spirit in the Government. — ^To establish an 
equal and common education. — ^To give properties to the defenders 
of the country. — ^To open public workshops, in order to destroy 
mendicity." For information respecting these neo-Jacobins, see my 
article in the RtvoluiUm fratifaisc, vol. xxvi. p. 385. 



I. General causes of the coup diiat of the i8th of Brumaire, — 
II. Popularity of Napoleon Bonaparte. His return from Egypt 
—III. Preparations for the coup tfilaL—lV. The "day" of the 
i8th of Brumaire. — V. The 19th of Brumaire. — ^VI. Suppression 
and replacement of the Directory. 


The coup (Titat of the i8th of Brumaire^ by means 
of which Napoleon Bonaparte impounded the Republic^ 
was the distant, indirect, but visible consequence of 
the action of the Legislative Assembly on April 20, 
1792, in declaring war upon the King of Bohemia 
and Hungary.! Since that time revolutionary France 
had never ceased to be in a state of war. Despite 
so many brilliant military and diplomatic victories, she 
could not obtain a general peace. France, as we have 
seen, never ceased to be an enormous camp, in which 
a system of military discipline was combined with a 
constitutional system in proportions ever varying 
according to the exigencies of national defence. The 
rational principles of the Revolution were proclaimed 
and violated in one breath. In order to obtain from 
Europe the right to establish the liberty of the future, 
it was necessary to suspend the liberty of the present. 

« See vol L p. 353. 



In order to org^anise a government which should be 
powerful enough to conquer both Europe and the re- 
sistance of the past^ it was necessary first to make 
an appeal to the sovereignty of the people and then 
to suspend the exercise of that sovereignty. The 
consequence was the formation, under the cover of 
patriotism, of a c<Hidition of public manners and morals 
which finally permitted an ambitious general to create 
himself dictator. 

We may say that patriotism gradually became cor- 
rupted. The people of France fought to make France 
free and independent ; but also in order to fraternise 
with other peoples and rescue them from a state of 
slavery. Their victories won France her independence ; 
but they also brought her conquests. Then, forgetting 
her disinterested promises, the nation wished to retain, 
for the sake of self-aggrandisement, what she had 
taken in self-defence. At the time of Bonaparte's first 
Italian victories, France styled herself, by the voice 
of the Directory, the Great Nation. This greatness 
consisted in the IFact that, by a return to the ideal of 
the ancien regime, she had substituted the politics of 
interest for the politics of principle." 

Patriotism, humanitarian at first, became egotistical. 
It had even become malignant ; especially with regard 
to the English, whom France had formerly so much 
admired ; and who were now waging pitiless war 
upon her ; a war without mercy or loyalty, in which 
they pretended to negotiate only to break off nego- 
tiations ; suborning all Europe against her ; destroy- 
ing the effect of her victories ; standing out, isolated 
and obstinate, against the general pacification. Anglo- 
phobia had already, at the instigation of the Revolu- 

' According to Roederer ((EuvreSt vol. iii. p. 326) and Joseph Bona- 
parte {Mimaires, vol. i. p. 77), Napoleon, on his return from Italy, 
remarked to Siey^ : " I have made the great nation" Sieyes replied; 
** That is because we first of all made the nation:* 


tionary Government, so far corrupted patriotism as to 
render it cruel ; notably when Bar^re, on the 7th of 
Prairial of the year II, procured the decree that in 
future the French should niake no English or Hano- 
verian prisoners. This frame of mind, unnatural to 
the French character and inconsistent with the 
principles of the Revolution, was still further 
exasperated, from the year IV to the year VIII, by 
the despairing continuation of the war with England. 
When the Directory, in a proclamation of the ist of 
Frimaire of the year VI, announced its intention of 
" being about to dictate peace in London " ; when 
it declared that by a descent upon England *' the Great 
Nation would avenge the universe " ; it was useless 
to say that France, " naturally generous," ** did not 
hate even the English " ; it was futile to distinguish 
the English from their Government ; the fact being 
that the whole Republic was suffering from an erup- 
tion of Anglophobia. The failure of this proposed 
descent so cruelly disappointed French patriotism that 
we can see plainly that the French nation would have 
made even the sacrifice of liberty, that it would, at , 
need, have provisionally abdicated in favour of a single ', 
man, if thus it could hope to come to grips withi 

This degeneration of patriotism was also apparent 
in the state of affairs and opinion that we nowadays 
call militarism. 

The generals, first of all severely subordinated to 
the civil power, so long as France was fighting to 

' On the 14th of Nivose, year VI, in a proclamation, the central 
bureau of the canton of Paris stated : " At the name of England the 
blood boils in the veins, the heart shudders with indignation." Among 
the various manifestations of Anglophobia we may cite the success of 
the " Hymn of Revenge '* {Chant dts vengeances) of Ronget de Lisle, and 
dramas such as La Descenie en Angleierre {Paris pendant la riaction, 
&€., vol. iv. pp. 505-532). 


defend herself in order to live, became predominant 
from the moment when, as a conqueror, France wished 
to retain, organise, and extend her conquests. 

Since the general levy had sent into camp nearly all 
the young and living forces of the nation, it would 
seem that only the Army was still strong and vital. 
It was to the Army that the Government must look 
for support in its internal policy. The blow of i8th 
of Fructidor was effected by the grace of Bonaparte 
and the sword of Augereau. Then the Army declared 
itself — as in modem times has happened in Spain — 
issued addresses directed against the royalists, and took 
the civil power under its protection. 
\ It was ardently republican ; but it also ardently 
,loved its leaders, who had led it to victory. Its con- 
jquests had progressively assumed a political signifi- 
cance. The Army had created republics in Italy ; why 
should it not organise the French Republic? > 

Since it began to conquer in place of defending, 
the Army (like the nation) has learned to love con- 
quest as conquest ; first for the sake of glory, then 
for the sake of loot. The Hoches, Kl^bers, and 
Marceaus of the Army have done their best jagainst 
the instinct of rapine, the craving for prey ; Bona- 
parte has excited it, and has placed a sordid ideal 
before the eyes of the Army of Italy. 

In this manner the pure republican ideal of the 
soldiers of the year II has been modified. From 
conquest they have acquired the taste for conquest ; 
from gain, the taste for pillage. Victories due to the 
genius of their leaders have awakened in their hearts 

' The Council of Five Hundred seemed to encourage these ideas 
by the considerable place which it accorded military men in the lists 
of candidates for the Directorates. Among these candidates, at 
different times, were Generals Beurnonville, Massena, Ernouf , Augereau, 
Brune, Moulin, Lefebvre, Dufour, Marescot, and Pille. 


sentiments which later on will gradually give the Army 
a Praetorian character. 

The Army hates kings and Bourbons ; it shouts 
" Vive la Ripublique! Vivent Vigaliti et la Uherti!'' 
— but it no longer has the love of civil liberty at 
heart. Having engineered a coup d^itat at the instance 
of civil authority, of obscure civilians, why not bring 
about a coup (Vital of its own for the benefit of its 
glorious generals? The civil leaders feed it ill, 
clothe it ill ; the military leaders led it to glory 
and gain ; they love and understand it ; and they 
have proved, by the organisation of their conquests, 
that they understand civil matters as well as military. 

Now it happens that the most admired of these 
leaders. Napoleon Bonaparte, is at the same time a 
great general and a great military orator, and thus 
seems to realise in himself an ancient ideal of the 
French race. 


Now, since his prodigious Italian victories of the 
years IV and V, and especially since the death of 
Hoche, General Bonaparte had become the hero of 
France, and all men's imaginings were busy with him. 
Coming to Paris after exchanging at Rastadt the rati- 
fications of the treaty of Campo-Formio, he was received 
by the Directory, on the 20th of Frimaire in the 
year VI, in an audience so pompous, so theatrical, that 
it seemed an apotheosis of the general whose civic 
loyalty the Government had already had more than 
one excuse for regarding with suspicion. Bonaparte 
spoke as a soldier, but also as a politician ; and 
having eulogised the Revolution and exalted the re- 
publican victories, he ventured to say : ** When the 
welfare of the French people is based upon the best 
organic laws^ all Europe will become free." The 


Directors dared not protest against this indirect but 
factious criticism of the Constitution of the year III ; 
they publicly bestowed the accolade upon their general, 
thus ratifying his popularity, which became dis- 
turbingly great ; what with banquets, medals of honour, 
poetry and hymns, and the flattery of the journals, 
there was a general paroxysm of worship and adula- 
tion, all the more threatening to liberty because it 
was for the most part sincere. Intended to command 
the Army which is to make the descent upon England, 
Bonaparte remains in Paris, and, with the help of 
Si^y^s, is already playing an audacious part* : he 
speaks of re-investing the Legislative Corps with its 
former authority, and of engineering another 9th of 
Thermidor against the Government. The Directory 
(we are told) decides upon the expedition to Egypt in 
order to be rid of a rival who is already dangerous. 

This expedition, although finally disastrous, adds a 
kind of Oriental prestige to Bonaparte's glory. 
Although he forsakes his Army in order to return to 
France, he is regarded not as a deserter, but as ^ 
hero miraculously delivered. When, on the 21st of 
Vendimiaire of the year VIII, Paris learns that he has 
landed, on the i6th, near Fr^jus, there is an explosion 
of joy in the cafis^ in the theatres^ and in the streets. 
The ex-Conventional Baudin having died suddenly, the 
report is spread that he has died of joy. Republicans 
and royalists, in their journals, salute his return with 
rising hope. Briot (of Doubs), the ardent democrat, 
speaking in the Council of Five Hundred on the 22nd 
of Vendimiaire^ predicts, in lyrical terms, the services 
which the sword of Aboukir's conqueror will shortly 
render the Republic .< 

* On the 27th the municipal administration of Pontarlier writes to 
the central administration of Doubs : " The news of Bonaparte's 
arrival in France has so electrified the inhabitants of the commune 
of Pontarlier that many of them have been indisposed by it ; others 


Bonaparte makes a triumphal journey. "The 
crowd was such/' says the Moniteur^ ** even on the 
highways^ that the traffic could hardly advance. All 
the places he has passed through, from Fr^jus to Paris, 
were illuminated in the evening . Lyons is in a delirium ; 
a play in his honour is improvised and performed at 
the theatre : The Return of the Hero; or Bonaparte 
at Lyons.'' 

The Directory probably foresaw and perhaps pro- 
voked this journey ; but it had not expected this 
formidable explosion of popularity. It welcomes 
Bonaparte with sufficiently good grace, and reproaches 
him with nothing. The general appears modest ; he 
flatters and seduces everybody save Jourdan and Berna- 
dotte ; gives a sabre to Moreau, and at the Institute 
persuades every one that the expedition to Egypt was 
imdertaken purely in the interests of science. The most 
distinguished intellects of the time— BerthoUet, Monge, 
Laplace, Chaptal, Cabanis, Marie-Joseph Ch^nier, and 
others — scientists, poets, and thinkers, are convinced 
that this young general, a geometer and philosopher, 
will found the republic of their dreams. He poses 
as the citizen rather than the soldier, and assumes a 
semiicivil costume ; a redingote with a Turkish 
scimitar. " He has taken to wearing his hair short," 
says the Mo nit ear of the 26th of Vendimiaire. " The 
climate in which he has lived . . . has given more 
colour to his face, which was naturally pale." For 
the first time since 1789 the gazettes are full of flatter- 
ing anecdotes of a man whose words and actions are 
reported as those of Mirabeau nor of Robespierre never 
were. And this is not a factitious or concerted 
** boom " ; it is an effusion of sympathetic curiosity, 
of universal liking. Hoche was admired. Bonaparte 
is admired and beloved. Even in the opposition of 

have wept tears of joy, and all wonder if it is not only a dream '* 
(Sauzay, Hist, de la pets, riv, dans le dip. du Doubs, vol. x. p. 474). 


certain far-seeing republicans^ who already prophesy 
a Cromwell, there is liking. Henceforth France identi- 
fies herself with her hero, who knows how to speak 
as well as to conquer, and who towers above the heads 
of his contemporaries ; all the more because the 
guillotine has long ago suppressed his possible rivals, 
the flower of the men of thought or action of the 
time. The deadly levelling blade that has planed the 
nation down makes Bonaparte, already great, a giant : 
he fills all eyes ; no other man is seen. 

We can scarcely doubt that Bonaparte returned from 
Egypt with seditious dreams of ambition. Conscious 
of the extreme outward and inward peril of the country, 
he counted on appearing as a saviour. When he 
landed, he learned, on the contrary, that France was 
saved by the victories of Mass^na and of Brune. He 
I had perforce to rejoice in his popularity with modesty 
■ and innocence ; to wait, to manoeuvre, to plot with 

Si^yfes. * 

\ The latter used to say that he needed a sword for 
the realisation of his mysterious and complicated 
schemes for a Constitution. He would have wished 
for a sword ** less lengthy " than Bonaparte's ; he would 
have preferred Moreau's. But Moreau evaded him. 
After his return from Egypt Bonaparte was the only 
conunander whom Si^y^s could approach. The '* old 
fox " hoped to play with the " young hero." Yet he 
half feared what actually occurred. Conversing with 
Joseph Bonaparte and Cabanis as to his proposal to 
make Napoleon Consul, together with himself and a 
third, he said : ** I wish to march with General Bona- 
parte because he is the most civil of all soldiers. But 
I know what is in store for me. After success the 
general, leaving his two colleagues behind, will make 
the very gesture I make now " ; and passing, as he 
spoke, between his two companions, and pushing them 
backward with his two arms extended, he suddenly 


attained the centre of the room. This anecdote, re- 
peated to the general, made him smile. ** Hurrah 
for men of intellect ! " he said. ** I augur well from 
that." In yain did Si^y^s try to get Bonaparte to 
agree beforehand to his Constitution. The latter would 
not hear him ; would not plan with him anything but 
means of execution of the projected coup d^itat; as 
for the Constitution, he declared that it must be dis- 
cussed by the legislative commissions which would be 
drawn from the expurgated Legislature. If Si^yfes 
would not consent, let him pick another general I 
Talleyrand and Roederer, who played an active part 
on the backstairs of the conspiracy, prevented a 
rupture. Si^y&s resigned himself, and his CcHistitution 
was " rejected at the stage of the second draft and 
left to the chances of the future." 


Bonaparte, Si^y^'s, and their accomplices were thus 
determined to engineer against the Legislative Corps a 
coup (Vitat analogous to that of the i8th of Fructi- 
dor; but they did not feel confident of success, and 
they saw that at the moment public opinion was not 
clamouring for a saviour. The French, after so many 
contradictory and forcible revolutions, whether popu- 
lar or governmental, had arrived at a state of political 
scepticism ; an apathy which allowed a schemer to 
dare greatly, but not to count upon the enthusiastic 
support of a truly national feeling. Certainly the true 
republican spirit, the spirit of legality, had been 
corrupted by the excesses of the Terror, by the excess 
of military glory, and by the weakness or violence 
of the Directory. The bourgeoisie, the new social i 
aristocracy, the possessors of national goods, were 
afraid ; both of the Jacobins, who had almost become j ^\j 
Babeuvists, and^'f tlie^royalists, who were threatening / 



^ the social fabric which had been established since 1789. 

I Such a state of affairs made a coup (Pitat possible 

/ enough, if it were put forward as directed simulta- 
neously against the Jacobins and against Louis XVIII. 
But it did not necessitate the coup (Pitat; the nation 

I did not call for it. 

Had Bonaparte returned from Egypt a few weeks 
earlier, when Souvaroff was threatening the frontiers, 
France would possibly have thrown herself into his 
arms. But in Brumaire of the year VIII the frontiers 
were saved, and the royalist insurrection of the south 

Yet one new danger facilitated the schemes of the 
conspirators. At the end of Vendimiaire there was 
news of the recrudescence of the Vend^ean and Chouan 
insurrections. Public opinion, however, was not greatly 
stirred ; it quickly saw through the factitious character 
of this royalist upheaval. The Prussian Minister in 
Paris wrote to his Government at this time that con- 
fidence was being renewed throughout France ; and 
we find that even religious enmities were becoming 

It has been said that the Legislative Corps, by 
the triviality and incoherence of its deliberations, 
managed finally to disgust public opinion with the 
parliamentary system. But it was really, cm the con- 
trary, occupying itself calmly and sedately with the 
repeal of the Terrorists* laws relating to the compul- 
sory loan and the hostages. On the 17th of Brumaire 
this debate was on the point of conclusion ; Si^y&s 
and Bonaparte, if they waited longer, would no longer 
have the Jacobins to invoke as a pretext, no longer 
be able to raise the red spectre. It was time to act ; 
the morrow would be too late. Si^yis still hesitated ; 
Bonaparte resolved to take the plunge. 

Whatever advantage the conspirators gained by the 
glory of Bonaparte and Si^yfes* position in the Govern- 


ment, it is extremely doubtful whether their coup 
(Pitat^ which France did not in any way desire, could 
ever have been realised ; but for the fact that the 
majority of the Elders were already familiar, not 
indeed with the idea of a military dictatorship (which ] 
they held in abhorrence), but with the constitutional 
schemes of Si^y^s, although no one as yet clearly under- 
stood these schemes, and Si^y^s himself had probably 
not yet resolved upon all the forms and means. The 
Five Hundred had voted a resolution to the effect that 
all negotiators, generals, ministers. Directors, &c., who 
should propose or accept conditions of peace involving 
the integral alteration of the territory of the Republic, 
or any modification of the Constitution of the year III^ 
should be punished by death. This resolution, evidently 
aimed at Si^yfes, was rejected by the Elders on the 
2nd of Brumaire of the year VHL The Five Hundred 
resigned themselves to this rejection ; there was no 
conflict, but a profound divergence between the 
two Chambers. The Elders admit that the Constitu- 
tion might be altered ; the Five Hundred feel that 
it is threatened, but avoid all open discord ; they 
are conciliatory, but are powerless and lacking in fore- 
sight. They fear Si^y^s ; not without justification. 
But they do not fear Bonaparte ; indeed, their ccm- 
fidence in him is pushed so far that on the ist of 
Brumaire they elect his brother president ; Lucien, 
who has sworn to plunge his dagger into any dictator. 
The Elders, having to renew their " Inspectors of the 
Hall ** (questors), appoint men who are shortly to be 
accomplices in the coup d'etat: Comet, Courtois, 
Beaupr^, Barailon, Fabre. 

Bonaparte spent the 17th of Brumaire in making 
sure of his officers and his troops. He persuaded 
General Bemadotte to neutrality. He sent for Mac- 
donald, Beurnonville, and his brother-in-law Leclero. 
As for Moreau, he consented to co-operate because 


he was dissatisfied with the Directory. A contempo- 
rary^ the historian Tissot, assures us that the Minister 
of War learned of the conspiracy on the 17th, and 
proposed to the Directory that Bonaparte should be 
arrested ; they refused, being reassured by the reports 
of the Minister of Police, Fouch6. The worthy Gohier 
was one of the most ardent disbelievers in the con- 
spiracy, because Bonaparte had promised to dine at 
his house on the i8th. Si6y^s, assured of the 
complicity of Roger Ducos, and the prudent neutrality 
of Barras, did not trouble to put his colleague Moulin 
- on the wrong scent. Helped^ by Fo uch6, secretly 
advised by the able Talleyrand, sure of a majority 
in the Council of Elders, Bonaparte and Si^y^s could 
. without anxiety set to work on the final preparations 
1 for the coup (Vitat, while the Commission of Inspectors 
I convoked the Elders to an extraordinary session on 
the following morning— the 1 8th— at eight o'clock. 


At the opening of the session Comet, president pf 
the Conmiission of Inspectors, vaguely denoimced a 
conspiracy, and spoke of ** poignards " and ** vultures." 
Immediately Regnier, without giving further details, 
proposed that the Elders should make use of the right 
which the Constitution gave them of transferring the 
Legislative Corps to another commune. He proposed 
Saint-Cloud, which insignificant village was chosen to 
show that there was no intention to decapitalise Paris. 
The two Councils would assemble there on the follow- 
ing day— the 19th. "General Bonaparte is there," 
added Regnier, ** ready to execute your orders the 
moment you instruct him. This illustrious man, who 
has merited so much from his country, bums to crown 
his noble labours by this act of devotion to the Repub- 
lic and the national representation." He demanded 


that Bonaparte should be appointed commander of the 
I7tb military division, in the province of which was 
the department of Seine. 

Although the Elders had the right to transplant the 
Legislative Corps, they had by no means the right to 
appoint any general to a conmiand. Nevertheless the 
Elders voted all Regnier's propositions. 

The Five Hundred, meeting about eleven o'clock, 
received notice of the decree of the Elders ; and in 
order to prevent all debate Lucien Bonaparte, the 
president, immediately terminated the session. 

The Elders had not waited for the Five Hundred to 
meet before acquainting Bonaparte with the decree. 
From the steps of his house he harangued the entire 
staff of officers, who overflowed into the street. He 
replied to the objections of his predecessor in the 
command of the 13th division. General Lefebvre, by 
informing him that it was a matter of rescuing the 
Republic from lawyers. Already he had had the 
Champs-Elys^es and the garden of the Tuileries oc- 
cupied by troops. Having received the decree, he went 
to the bar of the Elders to take the oath there ; but 
instead of ** swearing fidelity to the Republic and the 
Constitution of the year HI, and to oppose with all 
his might the re-establishment of royalty in France, 
and of all kinds of tyranny^'* according to the formula 
decreed on the 1 2th of Thermidor of the year VH, he 
said : ** We desire a Republic founded upon the true 
liberty ; upon civil liberty, and upon the national re- 
presentation ; we shall have it, I swear. I swear it in 
my own name and in those of my companions in arms." 
Whereupon, installed in the inspectors' hall, he imme- 
diately began giving orders and conferring conmiands ; 
and, although no decree had authorised him to do so, 
(appointed General Moreau conmiandant of the Guard 
of the Luxembourg, in which the Directors dwelt ; and 
Moreau accepted this gaoler's place. The barriers of 

VOL. rv. 10 


Paris were closed, and the departure of couriers 

The people of Paris showed themselves indifferent ; 
there was no rising, either hostile or sympathetic, 
although the streets were full of curious citizens reading 
the proclamations of Bonaparte : "In what a state 
did I leave France, and in what a condition did I find 
her I . . . This condition of things cannot continue,'* 
&c. The Minister of Police, Fouch6, and the central 
administration of Seine also, by means of placards, 
pronounced themselves in favour of the coup d'itat. 
Eulogies of Bonaparte and of his liberal intentions 
were also spread abroad ; stating that he would be 
neither a Caesar nor a Cromwell. The people were 
assured that it was merely a matter of a legal revolution. 
Thus, for the constitutional promulgation of the decree 
of the Elders the signature of the majority of the 
Directors was required. All depended upon the attitude 
of Barras ; if he were to join Gohier and Moulin, the 
coup d'itat already commenced might miscarry. Barras 
stood aside ; he absented himself, to the profit of the 

Gohier, who presided, convoked the Directory ; 
Moulin alone presented himself. Barras sent his resig- 
tion as Director to the Legislative Corps. At this 
Gohier and Moulin, thoroughly disconcerted, went to 
join Si^y^s and Roger Ducos in the hall of the inspec- 
tors, which they refused to leave ; and all four signed 
the decree. Evidently Gohier and Moulin either lost 
their heads, or did not as yet suspect Bonaparte. 
On their return to the Luxembourg they became 
prisoners in Moreau's custody. They protested by 
means of a message which was intercepted. Moulin 
escaped. Gohier remained a prisoner imtil the 20th. 
The Government was at an end. 



However, the coap d'itat well-nigh miscarried ; be- 
cause the republican supporters of the Constitution of 
the year III had had time to confer during the twenty- 
four hours which elapsed between the decree of trans- 
ference and the re-assembling of the Legislative Corps 
at Saint -Cloud. The president of the Five Hundred, 
Lucien Bonaparte, had over-estimated his influence over 
his colleagues, and it was very soon evident that the 
Council contained a majority against the schemes of 
Si^y^s and Bonaparte. Even in the Council of Elders 
there was a hostile minority which did not conceal its 
indignation as to the violence offered to Gohier and 

The Five Himdred opened their session in the 
Orangery, and the Elders in the Gallery of Mars, in 
the midst of a display of military strength. However, 
the soldiers who guarded the ch&teau were chiefly com- 
posed of the grenadiers of the Legislative Corps, so 
the deputies were not alarmed. 

The Elders sat at two o'clock. The minority de- 
manded explanations as to the plot which had been 
denoimced the day before. They were given the in- 
correct answer that Gohier, Moulin, and Roger Ducos 
had resigned with Barras, and that Si^y^s had been 
placed under supervision. At four o'clock Bonaparte, 
introduced at the bar with his staff, made an incoherent 
speech, in which he stated that he was accompanied 
by the Qod of Fortune and the Ood of Glory. He 
requested the Elders to '* prevent intestine broils," and 
to safeguard liberty and equality. Some one cried out : 
"And the Constitution?" He replied that the Con- 
stitution, violated by every party, could no longer save 
France. He was challenged to name the conspirators, 
and he hinted at vague grievances against Barras and 
Moulin. The Council insisted ; he became confused. 


lost his head, denounced the Five Hundred, summoned 
his soldiers, and withdrew. A republican, Dalphonse, 
proposed that the oath of fidelity to the Constitution 
of the year III should be taken. The majority appeared 
embarrassed. Then came the news that Bonaparte 
had just been stabbed in the hall of the Five Hundred : 
the Elders formed themselves into a secret conunittee. 

The Council of Five Hundred met simultaneously with 
the Council of Elders. Delbrel cried : " We will have 
the Constitution or death I Bayonets do not frighten 
us : we are free here. I demand that all the members 
of the Council, individually summoned, shall imme- 
diately renew the oath to maintain the Constitution of 
the year III.'* The assembly rose with enthusiasm ; 
and each deputy, including even Lucien Bonaparte, 
went to swear the proposed oath ; with one single excep- 
tion, that of the ex-Conventional and ex-Girondist 

The Five Hundred were discussing the resignation 
and the replacement of Barras, when Bonaparte entered 
the hall, bare-headed, holding in one hand his hat, in 
the other his riding-whip, escorted by four Grenadiers 
of the Legislative Corps armed only with their sabres. 
Beside them he seemed smaller than ever ; he was 
pale, disturbed, and hesitating. It would perhaps have 
been a favourable occasion for hearing and questioning 
him. Anger and indignation overcame prudence. The 
Five Hundred would not allow him to speak ; they 
cried : ** Down with the dictator I Outlaw I " Destrem 
said to him : *' Is it for this you have conquered? *' 
It has been pretended that at this jimcture several 
deputies, notably Ardna, threatened him with daggers, 
and that a gprenadier named Thom^ received the blow 
intended for him. It is clear, however, from the most 
credible witnesses, even those who were among his 
supporters, that there was only a scuffle, in which the 
gprenadier Thom^ perhaps had his sleeve torn ; but that 


no daggers were drawn, nor was there any attempted 
assassination. Insulted, repulsed, Bonaparte retired. 
His brother Lucien tried to justify him, raised a storm 
of hooting, and gave up his presidential chair to another 
conspirator, Chazal. It was proposed to annul Bona- 
parte's appointment ; to declare that the troops assem- 
bled at Saint-Cloud were part of the guard of the 
Legislative Corps . Chazal refused to put these motions 
to the vote. There arose a general cry : ** The outlawry 
of Bonaparte I " Lucien was forced to resume the pre- 
sidency for the voting of this decree. Lucien wept, 
half fainted, and laid down the insignia of the presi- 
dential dignity. He was surrounded, consoled, and 
allowed to go in search of his brother, in order to bring 
matters to a termination by a ** civic explanation." 
Chazal resumed the chair. There was now a frightful 
uproar. Augereau, coming to resume his place as 
deputy, challenged the president to put the decree of 
outlawry to the vote. 

The decree was on the point of being carried when 
the troops entered. 

.When Bonaparte left the hall of the Five Hundred 
he was seen to be very pale ; his head was bent and 
he walked like a sleep-walker, pursued by the cry of 
•• Mors la loi! " (" Outlaw! '•) which had formerly sent 
Robespierre to the scaffold. The silence of the soldiery 
and of the crowd increased his alarm. He got into 
the saddle to harangue the troops, but immediately fell 
to the ground. He was picked up and surrounded ; 
Lucien came up and led him into a hall of the palace, 
and then returned to inform the troops that seditious 
persons had attempted to assassinate their general, and 
that it was the president of the Council of the Five 
Hundred who now ordered them to invade the hall 
where the assassins were in session, and to disperse the 
deputies. Two squadrons of grenadiers, preceded by 
drums, entered the Orangery, their sabres drawn. Blin, 


Bigounet^ Talot^ and General Jourdan addressed them 
in vain ; they pushed the deputies before them^ and 
forced them to go out, laughingly carrying the most 
recalcitrant in their arms. The spectators in the 
galleries departed through the windows. 


Immediately the Council of Elders instructed a Com- 
mission to draw up and propose suitable measures ; and, 
in accordance with its report, voted the suppression 
of the Directory, the creation of an executive Com- 
mission of three members, and the adjournment of the 
Legislative Corps. 

Bonaparte and Si^y&s, however, did not believe that 
this vote would be accepted by the general public. 

Some members of the Five Hundred, 25 or 30 in 
mmiber, held a session at nine o'clock at night, under 
the presidency of Lucien Bonaparte ; and, as they 
formed a majority, voted a resolution (in conformity 
with a report submitted by Boulay of Meurthe) to the 
effect that the Directory no longer existed ; that 61 
members of the Legislative Corps would be ejected, 
among them being Talot, Ar6na, Briot, Destrem, 
Goupilleau (Montaigu)), and General Jourdan ; that 
an executive Consular Commission should be created, 
consisting of the citizens Si^yfes, Roger Ducos and Bona- 
parte, who would assume the title of Consuls of the 
French Republic; that the Legislative Corps was ad- 
journed imtil the ist of Ventdse following ; that during 
this adjournment each Council would be replaced by 
a Commission of 25 of its members ; and these two 
Commissions would legislate, " upon the definite and 
essential motion of the executive Consular Commission, 
upon all urgent matters of police and finance,'* and 
would prepare " the modifications to be effected in 
the organic provisions of the Constitution, the faults 


and inconveniences of which have been shown by 


The Council of Elders immediately converted this 
resolution into law, and the three provisional Consuls 
appeared at the bar in order to take the oath of *' fidelity 
to the Republic one and indivisible, to liberty, equality, 
and the representative system." It was Lucien Bona- 
parte who had had this formula altered ; it was Lucien 
again who at the tribune of the Five Hundred compared 
this day with that of the Oath of the Tennis Court. 

As for the grenadiers who had dispersed the Five 
Hundred, they felt that they had saved the Republic, 
and re-entered Paris singing the (^a ira. 



I. The i8th of Brumaire and public opinion. — II. The policy of the 
Provisional Consuls. — III. The drafting of the Constitution of the 
year VIII. — IV. Analysis of this Constitution.— V. The acceptation 
by plebiscite. 

It may seem that the history of the plebiscitary 
Republic, that is to say of the Consulate, ought not 
to form part of the history of the French Revolution 
properly so called, because the coup dPitat of the 
1 8th of Brumaire opened up a period during which 
the development of the principles of 1789 was contra- 
dicted and arrested ; a period, in short, of general 

But this reaction did not appear as a whole and 
at once. The disorganisation of the work of the 
Revolution by the man in whose favour the nation 
had abdicated its rights was not effected at a blow. 
Gradually only, and progressively, half -elaborated, the 
State politic, fashioned in conformity with the ideas 
of the eighteenth century, was abolished as regards 
its essential institutions, and replaced by a new form 
of government, archaic both in spirit and in tendency ; 
replaced by a species of military and religious tyranny. 
A brief history, or rather a sketch of a history, will 
suffice to show the workinigs of this slow and pro- 



visional disappearance of the principles whose birth 
aiid vicissitudes we have considered in some detail. 


France learned with axnazement of this new revolu- 
tion, which had no excuse in the shape of serious 
internal or external danger. Yet so many days had 
been seen since 1789, so many insurreictions and coups 
(Pitat^ effecteid by the people or its governors, and 
the Constitution of the year III had been so often 
violated by the latter, that the breaches of law com- 
mitted on the 1 8th and 19th of Brumaire were pro- 
ductive of more surprise than indignation. In Paris 
the workers of the faubourgs did not rise in defence 
of the democratic deputies who were the victims of 
Napoleon's move. Since the events of Prairial in the 
year III the popular element was practically nowhere 
in the capital. There was no longer a Jacobin Club 
in Paris. Democratic opinion had no longer a centre 
nor means of action ; it remained inert. The 
bourgeoisie were reassured and confident ; especially 
those engaged in the higher walks of commerce and 
finance. Consols, on the 17th of Brumaire^ were at 
II fr. 38. On the i8th they rose to 12.88 ; on the 
19th, to 14.38 ; on the 21st, to 15.63 ; on the 24th, 
to 20 francs. But no one appeared to be particularly 
rejoiced, excepting the royalists, who at first were so 
naive as to believe that Bonaparte was about to set 
Louis XVIII on the throne. They insulted the repub- 
licans by means of street -songs and comedies. But 
this phase passed quickly, and we may say that through- 
out Paris in general the public feeling remained chilly^ 
nearly indifferent, almost apathetic. 

It was by no means the same in the departments ; 
there occurred many acts of definite opposition. Many 
public officials— elected administrators of departments 


or cantons, or commissaries of the Directory — protested, 
or refused to register the decrees of the 19th of 
Brumaire. The president of the Criminal Court of 
Yonne did the same. The provisional Consuls had on 
this account to discharge a considerable niunber of 
f imctionaries . One departmental administration, that 
of Jura, was not contented with protestations ; it 
actually decreed the formation of an armed force to 
march against the ** usurping tyrants " ; but its decree 
was not obeyed. 

Several clubs made their protests heard ; notably 
those of Versailles, Metz, Lyons, and Clermont-Ferrand. 
The Jacobins of Toulouse unsuccessfully called on the 
citizens to arm themselves. There was thus a verbal re- 
publican opposition in the departments ; but it was the 
opposition of a minority of club -members and officials. 
Nowhere, it seems, was it echoed by the masses of the 
people ; nowhere was it necessary to repress even an 
incipient insurrection in defence of the law. The 
royalists exulted in the provinces as in Paris ; but there 
were no bloody collisions between them and the repub- 
licans. .We may say that the mass of the nation waited, 
without any particular emotion, to make up its mind 
as to this new ** day,*' this last insurrection* : the doings 
of Bonaparte, Si6y&s, and Roger Ducos. 


The provisional Consuls exercised their fimctions 
from! the 2Cth of Brumaire of the year VIII until the 
following 3rd of Nivdse: from November nth till 
December 24th of the year 1799. ^^ their first session 
it was proposed that a president of the Consulate should 
be appointed. The Consuls decided against any such 
appointment ; the duties of a president should be ful- 
filled in rotation, each day by one of them, who should 
have no other title than that of Consul of the day. The 


chance of alphabetical order gave Bonaparte the presi- 
dency of the first session ; Roger Ducos presided over 
the next and Si^y^s over the third, and so forth. Conse- 
quently Bonaparte was not invested with the dictatorship 
on the morrow of the coup d^itat^ nor is it true to say 
that he then actually exercised it. Although in military 
matters he exercised a preponderance similar to Camot's 
when a member of the Committee of Public Safety, it 
is impossible to cite any authentic instances of his acting 
or speaking as a dictator before the voting of the 
Constitution of the year VIII, imless they happen ,to 
be instances which illustrate the preparation of that 
Constitution. The policy generally followed during 
these first weeks was as far as possible anonymous^ and 
the Consulate was only a Directory reduced to three 
members ; of whom Bonaparte appeared in public only 
with his two colleagues ; truly by no means diminished 
or effaced, but in legal standing and official authority of 
one rank with them.> 

The policy of the provisional Consulate was modest 
and conciliatory. The victors of previous " days "—the 
3 1 St of May, the 9th of Thermidor^ the 1 8th of Fructidor 
— had boasted of blasting vice and error in the name 
of truth and virtue. The new " saviours of the 
Republic " are tactful people, who have slipped into 
power as best they could : but more roughly than they 
had expected ; and who are anxious to atone for their 
outburst by being wiser and luckier than their prede- 
cessors. The combination of a popular general and 
a fastidious philosopher offers not to change society, 
but to heal its diseases by opportune expedients. No 
one speaks of a military dictatorship ; Bonaparte has 

■ The Ministry was thus composed : Jnstice, Cambaceres ; Foreign 
Relations, Reinhard; Police, Foiich6; War, Berthier; Finance, 
Guadin ; Interior, Laplace ; Marine and Colonies, Bourdon de Vatry. 
(We see that four out of seven former Ministers were retained — 
Cambaceres. Reinhard, Fouch6, Bourdon de Vatry.) 


exchanged (so the journals announce) his general's 
uniform for a civilian's frockcoat ; it is a civil govem- 
menf that the new rulers wish to establish. They 
neither wish to set the Seine on fire nor to make a 
clean sweep and begin anew ; they wish to do their 
best for the best, while treading on as few corns as 
possible . 

Firstly comes the question of bringing the advanced 
republicans into line. As the pretext of the coup (Piiat 
was the Jacobin peril, a Consular order of the 20th of 
Brumaire banishes from the continental territory of 
France 34 "- Jacobins " ; among them Destrem, Ar6na, 
and F^lix Le Peletier ; and orders the imprisonment 
at La Rochelle of 19 others: Briot, Antonelle, Talot, 
Delbrel, &c. But this order is revoked on the 4th 
of Frimaire; the 34 are merely placed provisionally 
under police surveillance ; so that there is apparently 
no actual proscription before the establishment of the 
Constitution of the year VIII. 

Many of the 61 deputies excluded on the 19th of 
Brumaire rally to the new Government. General 
Jourdan exchanges a courteous correspondence with 

Among the survivors of the Mountain of the year II, 
Barfere writes a letter of adhesion," w.hich is published 
in the Moniteur of the 19th of Frimaire^ and mlakes a 
great stir. Even those republican ex -deputies who do 
not rally to the Consulate, such as Delbrel, Talot, 
Destrem, and Briot, and who perhaps understand that 
the tause of liberty is lost, refrain from any active 
opposition ; and of the majority of the republicans we 
may say that they accept the coup (Pitat or resign 
themselves to it. 

The Consuls send forth twenty-four delegates " on 
mission " to the departments ; among them such ex- 
It was not a merely flattering adhesion. Barere proposes to Bona- 
parte an entire scheme of a democratic constitution. 


Conventionals as Jard-Panvillier, Lecointe-Puyvareau, 
and P^niferes ; and these new commissaries plead the 
cause of the new system with ability, and finally rea3sure 
the republicans. The royalists are disowned ; a point 
is made of seeming to maintain and glorify republican 
forms . In a circular of the 6th of Frimaire the Minister 
of Police, Fouch^, hurls anathemas at the imigris^ 
whom the country ** rejects eternally from her bosom." 
When the Terrorist laws concerning the hostages are 
repealed (on the 22nd and 27th of Brummre)^ the 
republicans find in this measure no savour of reaction, 
but the natural conclusion of the debates already opened 
upon these matters in the two Councils before the i8th 
of Brumaire. 

In a word, the policy of the provisional Consulate 
is practically a continuation of the policy of the 


It is possible that at this period Bonaparte did for 
a moment dream of the glory of a Washington, and that 
the policy that appeared so liberal and conciliatory 
was indeed sincere. But at the very moment when 
this policy had produced its due effect ; when Bona- 
parte saw the republicans reassured or resigned ; when 
he no longer had any opposition whatever to fear, 
his personal ambition awoke, and he exploited the 
feeling of general confidence which the moderation of 
the provisional Consulate had produced throughout the 
nation in order to obtain a constitution which should 
make him the master of France. 

It will be remembered that the two intermediary 

' Concerning the provisional Consulate : see the Register of its 
deliberations which I published in the collection of the Society of the 
History of the Revolution, Paris, 1894 ; also in my itudes et lemons, 2nd 
series, pp. 213-259, the chapter entitled Le lendemain du 18 Brumaire, 


legislative Cominissions^ emanating from the Legislative 
Corps and provisionally replacing it, were to prepare 
modifications to be introduced into the Constitution 
of the year IIL To this effect they established two 
•• sections.'* That of the Five Himdred was composed 
of Chazal, Lucien Bonaparte, Daunou, Marie-Joseph 
Ch^nier, Boulay (Meurthe), Cabanis, and Chabot ; that 
of the Elders, of Garat, Laussat, Lemercier, Lenoir- 
Laroche, and Rfegnier. These sections apparently 
decided at the outset to adopt Si6yfes' project as their 
working basis. This project, however, was not yet 
drafted, and from the famous thinker they could obtain 
only conversations and rough outlines. It was supposed 
that he wished to reconcile the monarchical with the 
democratic ideaL The people is sovereign, but it mus,t 
not exercise its sovereignty directly, being insufficiently 
enlightened for such a course. It must delegate its 
sovereignty. The " confidence " must come from 
below, and the " power " from on high. 

Requested to be precise, Si^yfes allowed two con- 
fused sketches to be extracted from him. According 
to the first, the people would draw up lists of notabilities^ 
from which a proclamator -elector would select the func- 
tionaries. The Government would be exercised by a 
Council of State of fifty members. The people would 
elect a Legislative Assembly. There would also be a 
Tribunate^ a constitutional jury^ and a conservative 
Senate ^ a kind of court of appeal in political matters. 
This senate would appoint the proclamator -elector^ and 
would absorb him, if he became too ambitious, as it 
would also absorb too popular tribimes. This system 
was symbolised by a pyramid, having the people as 
its base, and at its apex the proclamator-elector . Bona- 
parte saw no scope for his ambition in this scheme, 
and he derided the proclamator-elector^ calling him 
the " fatted swine." Si6yfes elaborated a second scheme, 
in which he confided the executive power not to a State 


Council, but to two Consuls, the one for peacje, the 
other for war. This was to reserve a place for Bona- 
parte, but in this plan, as in the other, Si6y^s had 
multiplied the guarantees of liberty and the precautions 
against the ambition of one man.' 

The sections of the Commissions inclined to accept 
this second scheme. Bonaparte adroitly prevented a 
discussion, and formed, at his own house, a little com- 
mittee comprising Si^yfes, Roederer, and Boulay. He 
tried to intimidate the philosopher, and for the first 
time spoke as a master. Si6y^s was silent, and 
apparently abandoned his scheme. 

The two sections then elaborated a plan > of which 
the basis was the qualified suffrage, and political privi- 
lege the perquisite of the bourgeoisie ; 3 the executive 
power would be organised as in Si6y&s' plan. The 
journals frowned upon the scheme. Bonaparte 
threatened to get a constitution botched up by any- 
body or a nobody, and to submit it to the people 
himself. Then Daunou drafted a plan, which, under, 
the names of Consulate, Senate, Tribunate, concealed 
merely the Constitution of the year III, democratised 
by the suppression of property suffrage. Bonaparte 
refused this plan also ; it would have been the ruin of 
his ambition. He took it upon him to dictate to 
this little committee — imaided (or very nearly so) 
— the plan which afterwards became the Constitution 

' Of these two plans we know the first through Mignet, who has pub- 
lished an analysis of it in his History of the Revolution, and to whom the 
original was communicated by Daunou. The second has been pub- 
lished by Boulay in a volume entitled : Thhrie amstiiuiiondU dc sUyhs, 
Constitution de ran VIII (Paris, 1836). 

* In the Moniteur for the loth of Frimaire of the year VIII, and for 
the 12th of Frimaire, 

3 At this time there was a great effort made to effect the prevalence 
of the idea that the bourgeois proprietors should be the sole rulers of 
the nation ; that there should t>ie a ''democracy of landowners." 


of the year VIII.> Drafted in Bonaparte's salon, it is 
not certain whether it was submitted in entirety to the 
vote of the Legislative Commissions, the members of 
which signed it individually on the 22nd of Frimaire. 
Bonaparte imposed it, as by a new coup £itat. 


The Constitution of the 22nd of Frimaire of the 
year VIII (December 13, 1799), a kind of caricature 
of the plans of Si6y6s and Daimou, consists of 95 
articles, arranged without any method. The Declaration 
of Rights is not even referred to ; there is no mention 
of the liberty of the press nor of the liberty of the con- 
science ; and it has only one liberal characteristic — the 
guarantee of individual security by Articles 76 to 82. 

What is most remarkable in this Constitution is that 
it deprives the nation— while recognising it as sovereign 
— of the right to elect its deputies, to make its own 
laws through them, and through them to regulate the 
national revenue and expenditure. 

In fact, while re-establishing universal suffrage, it 
annihilates it.^ 

It re-establishes tmiversal suffrage, since henceforth 
all Frenchmen aged twenty-five or more who are not 
hired domestics and have been domiciled for a year 
will be citizens and will possess the right to vote. 

It annihilates it by the following ingenious arrange- 
ments : 

All the citizens of each " commtmal " arrondissement 

' Roederer says that Bonaparte himself " discussed all parts of the 
Constitution/' and that he " marked them with the seal of his mind, 
in giving the authority of the government that uniform force which 
ensures at the same time order and liberty." 

* The expression universal suffrage began to be emplo3red about this 
time. I find it for the first time in an article by Mallet du Pan. He 
wrote in London ; doubtless he borrowed the expression from the 
English language. 


will reduce themselves to a tenth of their number, 
selecting by their votes '* those among them whom they 
believe to be the fittest to assume the cdnduct of public 
affairs. This tenth will form' the communal list^ 
or the list of the arrondissement, from which will be 
chosen the public functionaries of the arrondissement. 
The citizens comprised in the lists of the arrondissements 
of each department are again reduced to a tenth ; this 
is the departmental list, from which the departmental 
officials will be selected. All the departmental lists 
must then be reduced to one-tenth, in order to form 
the national list of those eligible to " public national 
functions " ; that is to say, to the functions of deputy, 
tribune, &c. These various lists of candidates will 
be drawn up once and for all. As for the vacancies 
produced by death, they will be filled once in three 
years only. Finally the formation of these lists is 
postponed until the year IX, so that at the beginning 
of the organisation of the various public services the 
electors cannot, and in fact do not, participate in any 
manner whatever. Although in time they would have 
exercised their rights it would have been a totally 
illusory exercise of the national sovereignty : a vote 
deprived of all practical consequences. Suppose an 
arrondissement to contain ten thousand citizens. If 
these ten thousand had had the right to choose even 
a hundred only of their niunber to be added to the list 
from which their fimctionaries were to be taken, they 
would thus have exerted a certain influence on affairs. 
But for these ten thousand to select at least a thousand 
meant that they really selected no one ; the cards were 
forced, so to speak ; the demand for such a number 
allowed no actual choice whatever ; to make up the 
number every person who could spell would have to be 
included ; and it would be all the more easy to exclude 
the few persons who were really competent. But there 
was no way of excluding a whole party. 
voT^ rv 11 


Such was the farcical electoral system, nominally 
democratic, which Bonaparte substituted for the quali- 
fied suffrage system of the Constitution of the year III ; 
and by which, while seeming to restore to the French 
nation the rights which they had won by the insurrec- 
tioij of August loth (1792), he actually excluded the 
nation from political life. And thus, by a parody of 
the scheme of Si6yfes, he organised his pyramid with 
" confidence *' at the base, being the source of the 
'• powers " placed at the apex. 

One of these powers, whose duty it was to elect and 
maintain, was a Conservative Senate oi 60 members 
(holding office for life, and over forty years of age), 
who, by an annual addition of two new senators over a 
space of ten years, would finally reach their full comple- 
ment of 80. The origin of the Senate was entirely 
revolutionary and dictatorial. Article 24 of the Con- 
stitution states : " The citizens Si^yfes and Roger Ducos, 
outgoing Consuls, are appointed members of the Conser- 
vative Senate ; they will imite themselves to the second 
and third Consuls appointed by the present Constitu- 
tion. These four citizens appoint the majority of the 
Senate, which then completes itself, and proceeds to the 
elections which are confided to it.'* Later on the Senate 
would fill the gaps which co-optation would produce in 
it, from a list of three candidates presented by the 
Legislative Corps, the Tribunate, and the First Consul. 
The principal functions of the Senate were : Firstly, 
to elect the legislators, tribunes, consuls, judges of 
appeal, and commissaries of accounts ; secondly, to 
maintain or annul such proceedings as should be sub- 
mitted to it as imconstitutional by the Tribunate or 
by the Government. Its sessions were not public. 

As for the legislative power, the Government alone 
was able to propose laws. Drafted by a Council of 
State, which was the most active member of the 
new system, they were submitted to la Tribunate 


and a Legislative Corps. The Tribunate was com- 
posed of I GO members, appointed by the Senate for 
five years, renewable by one-fifth each year, and re- 
eligible ; they must be at least twenty-five years of 
age. The Legislative Corps numbered 300 members, 
at least thirty years of age ; appointed and renewed 
in the same way, but re-eligible only after one year's 
interval. The Legislative Corps should always contain 
at least one member from each department of the 
Republic. The Tribimate discussed the proposed laws 
and voted for their adoption or rejection ; and sent 
three of its members to expoimd and defend the motives 
of these votes or " desires " before the Legislative 
Corps . 

The Legislative Corps also heard the Government 
orators and State Councillors, and arrived at its deci- 
sions without discussion, by the secret ballot. The 
Legislative Corps sat only four months. iWhen the 
Tribunate adjourned it appointed a permanent commis- 
sion of ten to fifteen of its members, which was instructed 
to convoke it should such a step seem advisable. The 
sessions of the Tribunate and those of the Legislative 
Corps were public, but the number of strangers present 
might not exceed two hundred. 

The salary of a senator was 25,000 francs ; of a 
tribune, 15,000 ; of a legislator, 10,000. 

The executive power was confided to three Consuls, 
appointed for ten years and indefinitely re-eligible. 
They were to be elected by the Senate ; but in the 
first instance they were designated by the Constitution 
itself : Bonaparte as First Consul, Cambac^r^s Second 
Consul, and Le Brun Third ConsuL> All the reality of 

* The Le^slative Commissions were called upon to vote in this 
matter. According to contemporary witnesses Bonaparte obtained a 
unanimous vote ; Cambac^rte and Lebrun each obtained 21 votes in 
each Commission. See the brochure : Siance extraordinaire de la nuit 
ienue au palais des Consuls, also the journal Le Bien-IttfamU for the 
24th of Frimaire of the year VIII. 


power was in the hands of the First Consul, who was 
far more powerful than Louis XVI had been under the 
Constitution of 1 789-1 791. 

** The First Consul promul^tes the laws ; he appoints and recalls at 
will the members of the CooncU of State, the Ministers, ambassadors, 
and other external agents-in-chief; the officers of the army by land 
and sea ; the members of local administrations, and the commissaries 
of the Government attached to the tribunals. He appoints all the 
criminal and civil judges other than the justices of peace and the 
judges of the appeal court, without being able to recall them" 
(Article 41). ''In other governmental proceedings the Second and 
Third Consuls express themselves in consultation : they sign the 
register of these proceedings in order to testify to their presence ; and 
if they wish they registei^ their opinions ; after which Uie decision of 
the First Consul suffices." 

Practically there was no legal barrier to Napoleon*s 
will. Article 45 stated clearly that an annual law would 
determine the total revenue and expenditure. But the 
Government proposed this law, which the Legislative 
Corps had to accept or reject as a whole, without amend- 
ments. Out of a kind of derisory respect for the 
principles of liberal governments, it was stated in 
Article 55 that no enactment of the Government could 
take effect unless it were signed by a Minister ; and 
Article 72 stated that Ministers would be responsible. 
But senators, legislators, tribunes, Consuls, Councillors 
of State, and so forth, were not responsible (Article 69). 
Agents of the Government could only be proceeded 
against for matters relating to their duties in virtue of 
a decision of the Council of State (Article 75). Thus 
there was no constitutional check upon Bonaparte. The 
dictatorship was already in being ; unacknowledged, 
and hidden imder formulas, but ready to be organised. 


The Constitution had to be *' offered at once for the 
acceptance of the French people " (Article 95). Every- 


thing was done to ensure the success of the plebiscite. 
Instead of convoking the primary assemblies which 
had formerly voted upon the Constitutions of 1793 
and of the year III, they were regarded as being in 
fact abolished, as the discussions which would inevitably 
result were dreaded, and it was decided that the citizens 
should vote singly, in silence, in writing, and in public. 
In each commime registers of acceptance or non-accep- 
tance were opened ; in which each citizen was called 
upon " to record or cause to be recorded " an ** Aye " 
or a " No " (by the law of the 23rd of Frimaire and 
the order of the 24th). 

As this voting did not take place everywhere at once, 
nor even simultaneously (the voting was at the end of 
Frimaire in Paris, and during the whole of Nivdse in 
the departments), Bonaparte had time to prepare public 
opinion by various measures. Of these the principal 
was a new coup d^itat, which yet further aggravated 
the revolutionary character of all that had been done 
since the i8th of Bramaire; by virtue of a law of the 
3rd of Nivdse^ passed long before the conclusion of 
the plibiscite^ the Constitution was put into force, and 
the Consuls began the performance of their duties, 
on the 9th of Nivdse. The majority of the electors had 
thus to pronounce upon a Constitution which was 
already in operation. 

In this way the electors were intimidated ; but by 
a tactful piece of policy they were also reassured. 
France was eager for peace, at home and abroad. 
Bonaparte thought it expedient to make offers of peace 
to England and Austria. At the same time he pro- 
claimed his intention of healing the woimds caused by 
the civil war and of reconciling all Frenchmen who had 
remained in France. The pacification of Vendue had 
been commenced by the Directory, who had instructed 
General de H^douville, formerly chief of staff to Hoche, 
to obtain the submission of the royalist insurgents^ 


discouraged as they were by the victories of Brune and 
Mass^na. The honours of this enterprise fell to the 
Consulate, as its effects were not visible until after the 
1 8th of Brumaire. It was on the 23rd of Frimaire^ at 
Pouanc^y that d'Autichamp, Frott^^ Bourmont and 
others signed an armistice. It remained to make peace ; 
H^douville set about it with a patience that irritated 
Bonaparte. By an order of the 7th of Nivdse he 
demanded that the insurgents should lay down their 
arms within ten days, imder the menace of being placed 
*' outside the Constitution/* But H^douville's ability 
was after all not without its fruits ; at this very time 
the left bank of the Loire was making its submission. 
The right bank followed suit a few days later ; Frott^, 
in Normandy, was still in arms. Jealous of this success, 
Bonaparte deprived H^douville of his command and 
gave it to Brune ; six thousand troops were sent against 
Frott^, who made his submission, and was captured 
and shot in defiance of a safe -conduct (on the 29th 
of Plttvidse). This was an end of Vend^ean rebellion, 
an end of chouannerie. The murder of Frott6 was 
later in date than the plibiscite; but the pacification 
was assured beforehand, at the time when the citizens 
were actually voting. 

As for the imigris^ at the outset (see Article 93 of 
the Constitution), those were still forbidden to return 
to France who had left it voluntarily in order to fight 
against the French people. Others — that is, those who 
were banished, deported, or proscribed for various 
reasons — were the objects of various measures of cle- 
mency. A law of the 3rd of Nivdse having authorised 
the Government to allow all those to return to France, 
oti condition of supervision, " who were by name con- 
demned to deportation without previous trial by an 
enactment of the Legislative Corps/' the majority of 
the •• Fructidorised " exiles were recalled, among them 
being Camot. Liberal ex -Constituents were also re- 


called^ such as La Fayette^ La Tour-Maubourg, La 
Rochefoucauld -Liancourt ; and advanced republicans, 
such as Bar^re and Vadier. Pichegru, among the monar- 
chists, and Billaud-Varenne among the republicans, 
were excepted from these acts of clemency. The order 
of the 9th of Frimaire was revoked ; which, while it 
removed the proscription pronoimced on the 20th of 
Brumaire against the 39 republicans, had subjected 
them to the surveillance of the police. 

All parties benefited by this policy either before or 
during the plibiscite; there was, so to speak, a general 
amnesty of opinion, and when the votes came to be 
counted (on the i8th of Pluvidse) it was found that 
the Constitution was accepted,' if we are to believe the 
figures given in the Bulletin des lois^ by 3,011,007 

' In his Histaire de la garde naiionale de Paris, published in 1827, 
Charles Conte remarks (p. 388) that the number of signatures in favour 
of the Constitution of the year VIII " exceeded by at least three-quarters 
the number of citizens able to sign." "... The registers intended to 
receive the signatures were placed only in the hands of government 
employees. Every individual, whatever his or her age, sex, condition, 
or nationality, was not only allowed, but invited to sign. I saw 
children sign who had not the least idea of what they were really 
doing ; they wrote their signatures in the register as they would have 
done in their copy-books. In the towns where the citizens presented 
themselves to sign, a list of their names was made, and was copied by 
children into the registers. I knew cases in which young people were 
employed for whole days in this kind of work. Finally the counting of 
the signatures was performed by a commission which the chief 
conspirators had formed for the purpose, into which none but their 
accomplices entered." This testimony of Conte's has the disadvantage 
of being much later in date than the events he relates ; and if it were 
contemporary we should have no means of checking it It is quite 
possible that there were not in France at that time three millions of 
men able to write, but the law of the 23rd of Frimaire did not exclude 
the illiterate from voting, since it authorised citizens to " cause" their 
votes " to be recorded." That there may have been fraud— that votes 
may have been "recorded" without the consent of citizens— is 
possible, but not proven. 


" Ayes " against 1,562 ** Noes." » Among the " Ayes " I 
have obtained, from the register of Paris, the names of 
many artists, scientists, scholars, literary men, professors 
of the Museum, of the College of France, and the School 
of Medicine ; members of the Institute^ and, in short, 
nearly all the aristocracy of intellect. I also find 
the names of the ex-Montagnard Conventionals Merlino, 
Leyris, Lequinio, and Br^ard,^ and the still more signifi- 
cant name of the ex-Minister of War, Bouchotte, a 
staunch republican .3 In voting for the Constitution 
of the year VIII these republicans believed that they 
were voting for the Revolution and the Republic as 
against the monarchy and the ancien rigime. 

In this manner was the plebiscitary Republic 
founded in France. We call it by this name because 
the exercise of the national sovereignty was limited 
to a plibiscite under the conditions of universal suf- 
frage ; a plibiscite in which the question was simply 
one of yes or no; a plibiscite by which, without knowing 
or intending it, the French nation abdicated its 
sovereignty to place it in the hands of one man ; or 
rather by means of which, in place of the numerous 
representatives whom it had formerly appointed to 
legislate and to govern, it appointed one single repre- 
sentative : Napoleon Bonaparte. 

' The registers are in the National Archives. To go through them 
all would of course be a task of impossible length. I have only 
inspected a few — ^not even all those of the department of Seine. The 
Moniteur states that in Paris there were only 10 votes against the 
acceptation, and 12,440 for it 

' The Moniteur states (without prooO that 332 ex-members of the 
Council of Five Hundred voted in favour of the Constitution. 

3 Bouchotte signed the register of the nth arrondissement, No. 473. 
He accepted no employment and no favours from Bonaparte. A 
colonel in 1792, he was retired as colonel in 1804, and until his death 
(in 1840) held himself aloof. 



L Installation of the public powers. — II. The conditions of the Press. — 
III. Administrative organisation. — IV. New manners and customs. 
— ^V. Effects of the victory of Marengo in the interior. Crime, 
proscriptions, and the progress of despotism. 


The three Consuls designated by the new Constitution 
commenced to sit on the 4th of Nivdse " of the year VIII 
(on December 25, 1799), forty-four days before it 
was known that the people had accepted that Constitu- 
tion. From the time of this first session the tentative 
methods of the provisional Consulate were things of the 
past : Bonaparte's activity whirled his colleagues along 
with him, in a kind of cyclone. On this day of the 
4th of Nivdse notable words were spoken, notable 
things done. A proclamation of the First Consul to 
the French people inaugurated a new condition of 
things' : stability of government, a powerful army, 
order, justice, and moderation : these were the words 
which replaced the language and the principles of the 
Revolution. Ministers were appointed, to* the ntunber 
of seven : Justice^ Abrial ; External Relations^ Talley- 
rand ; War^ Berthier ; the Interior^ Lucien Bonaparte ; 
Finance f Gaudin ; the Marine and the Colonies^ 

* They had even held a preparatory meeting the day before, at 

8 p.m. The proch-verbaux of the sessions of the Consuls are to be 

found in the National Archives. 



Forfait ; General Police, FoucW.' The Consuls had 
a Secretary of State^ who kept the prods-verbal of 
their sessions, and countersigned the proceedings of the 
Government : he was H . B . Maret ; later the Due de 

The Council of State had been created and organised 
since the 3rd of Nivdse. Entrusted with the drafting 
of projected laws and the regulations of the public 
administrations, this Coimcil prepared the decisions of 
the Consuls in all contentious matters. It had the 
power of deciding whether any functionary should be 
delivered to the courts of justice. It had also the 
vague and formidable power of " developing the sense 
of the laws " upon the demand of the Consuls. It was 
in this Council that Bonaparte organised his govern- 
ment, his policy, his rule ; presiding, perorating, and 
winning the Councillors to his ideas by persuasion, 
before the victory of Marengo had created him a despot, 
subjugating them and tyrannising over them by the 
expression, often brutal, of his will. We have not the 
prociS'Verbaaxoi this Council ; but we have the memoirs 
of several Councillors' : of Thibaudeau, Roederer, Pelet 
(of Loz^re) and Miot de M^lito.' Its organisation was 

' Here are the modifications which this Ministry underwent during; 
the Consulate : Justice : Abrial was replaced by Regnier on the 
27th of FrucUdor, year X (according to the senatus consultus of the 
preceding i6th of Thermidor, R6gnier bore the title of " Grand-fuge 
minisire de la justice**) ; War: Berthier was replaced by Carnot, but 
only during the campaign of Marengo (from the 12th of Germinal of 
the year VIII to the i6th of Vendimiaire of the year IX) ; Interior: 
Chaptal succeeded Lucien Bonaparte on the ist of Pluviose of the 
year IX ; Marine : Decres succeeded Forfait on the nth of Vendimiaire 
of the year X. The Ministry of Police was combined with that of 
Justice on the 28th of Fructidor of the year X. A Ministry of the 
Treasury was created on the 5th of Vendimiaire of the year X, and 
confided to Barbe-Marbois. Gaudin was Minister of Finance until the 
end of the Empire ; and Talleyrand was Minister of External Relations 
until 1807. 

" See le Conseil dttat avant et depuis jySg, by M. Leon Aucoc, 
Paris, 1876. 


at first as follows : Section of War: Brune^ president ; 
Dejean, Lacu^e, Marmont, Petiet ; Section of the 
Marine: Gauteaume, president ; Champagny, Fleurieu, 
Lescaller, R^don^ Cafarelli ; Section of Finance: 
Defermon, president ; Duchdtel (of tha Gironde), 
Devaisnes, Dubois (of the Vosges), Jollivet, Regnier, 
Dufresne ; Legislation^ Civil and Criminal: Boulay (of 
Meurthe), president ; Berlier, Moreau (of Saint-Mery), 
Emmery, R^al ; Section of the Interior: Roederer, 
president ; Benezech, Cr^tet, Chaptal, Regnaud (of 
Saint-Jean-d'Angely), Fourcroy ; Secretary General of 
the Council: Locr^." On the 4th of Nivdse^ at four 
o'clock, this Council was installed, and immediately 
expressed the opinion that the Constitution had by 
implication abrogated the laws which excluded ex- 
nobles and the relatives of imigris from public func- 
tions. This was extremely serious : Bonaparte showed 
that at need he would be capable of legislating by means 
of the Council of State, without the assistance of the 
Tribunate and the Legislative Corps.' 

In conformity with the Constitution, Si^y&s, Roger 
Ducos, Cambac^r&s, and Le Brun had designated those 
citizens who would form the majority of the Conserva- 
tive Senate. Their choice fell on distinguished men, 

■ Of these coundllors five were entrusted with duties which made 
them the assistants, or rather the supervisors, of the Ministers. 
Article 7 of the regulations of the Council was conceived as follows : 
** Five councillors of State are specially entrusted with various depart- 
ments of the administration, as regards instruction only; they will 
follow the details of their departments, sign the correspondence, 
receive and demand all kinds of information, and will carry to the 
ministers the propositions of the decisions which the latter will submit 
to the Consuls." Thus Chaptal was entrusted with the department of 
public instruction; Dufresne, with the public Treasury! ; Regnier, with 
the national properties ; Lescalier, with the colonies ; Cr6tet, with the 
public works. 

* Councillors were sent "on mission/' into the departments, in order 
to make enquiries, in the name of the First ConsuL Some of their 
reports are in Rocquain's ttat de la France au j8 Brumaire, 18^4. 


almost all of whom had deserved well of the Revolu- 
tion ; such as Monge, Volney, Garat^ Garran-Coulan, 
Kellermami, and Cabanis. Si^y^s and Roger Ducos 
entered on the right of the Senate, which was im- 
mediately completed by co-optation until the constitu- 
tional niunber of 60 members had been reached. 
These second selections fell upon men less celebrated ; 
but we may remark Daubenton, Lagrange, and 
Francois » (of Neuf chateau). 

The Senate inunediately appointed the 300 members 
of the Legislative Corps and the 100 members of 
the Tribunate ; nor did it make these appointments 
in a narrow or servile spirit. On the contrary, 
it composed the Legislative Corps almost entirely of 
former members of the various revolutionary Assem- 
blies, with a marked preference for the men of 1789, 
but without excluding such ardent republicans jas 
Gr^goire, Br6ard, Florent Guiot, or even personal oppo- 
nents of Bonaparte, such as Dalphonse, who, in the 
Council of Elders, had vigorously opposed the coup 
d'itat of the i8th of Bramaire. 

The Tribunate was composed of men whose 
character and past career fitted them for the part of a 
Constitutional opposition, for which the assembly 
seemed to be created : Andrieux, Bailieul, Marie- 
Joseph Ch^nier, Benjamin Constant, Jean de Bry, 
D6meunier, Ginguen^, Stanislas de Girardin, Jard- 
Panvillier, Laley, Laromiguifere, and P^niferes.* 

The Tribunate and the Legislative Corps fulfilled 
their duty against incipient despotism with firmness 
and intelligence, and rejected many projects of illiberal 
laws. But these assemblies, so distinguished in ocxnpo- 

' The proch'Verbaux of the sessions of the Senate have not been 
printed. They are to be found among the National Archives. 

' The proch'Vcrbaux of the sessions of the Legislative Corps and the 
Tribunate have been printed. They will be found in the National 
Archives. The Bibliotheque Nationale has an incomplete example. 


sition, did not constitute a national representation ; 
they did not even represent the notables^ the lists of 
whom were not to be drawn up until the year IX. 
Their opposition was fruitless and impotent : Bonaparte 
had little trouble in overcoming it. 


During the provisional Consulate the periodical press 
had perhaps enjoyed more liberty than had ever been 
the case since June 2, 1793. Thus the Moniteur of the 
29th of Bramaire of the year VIII, in terms at once 
respectful and hypothetical, warned the public against 
Bonaparte's ambition, and at the same time advised the 
latter^ should peace not be concluded within three 
months, to " divest himself of the civil power," and 
place himself at the head of an army. The Bien- 
Informix in its issues of the 14th and 24th of Frimaire, 
freely criticised and complained of the illiberality of 
the proposals for a constitution, and contrasted them 
with the American Constitution, which it reprinted. We 
read in the Gazette de France of the 26th of Frimaire: 
** The Constitution was proclaimed on the 24th in all 
the arrondissements of Paris. Here is an anecdote 
which will exhibit the spirit of the Parisians. A muni- 
cipal was reading the Constitujtion, and every one was 
struggling so to hear him that no one heard two con- 
secutive phrases. A woman said to her neighbour, * I 
haven't understood a thing.'— * Why, I didn't lose a 
word I ' — • Well, what is there in the Constitution ? ' 
— * There's Bonaparte.' " It was by means of such 
epigrammatic anecdotes that the opposition of the few 
opposition journals manifested itself. Bonaparte feared 
that they might, in conjunction with the Tribunate and 
the Legislative Corps, prevent him from becoming 
master. On the 27th of Nivdse of the year VIII, 
" considering that a portion of the journals printed in 


the department of the Seine are instruments in the 
hands of the enemies of the Republic/' he issued an 
order to suppress all the political journals in Paris, 
excepting the thirteen following : Monitear^ Journal 
des dibats^ Journal de Paris, Biin-Informi, PubUciste, 
Ami des Lois, Clef du cabinet, Citoyen frangais, Gazette 
de France, Journal des hommes libres. Journal du soir 
des frires Chaignieau, Journal des difenseurs de la 
patrie, and the Dicade philosophique . 

Certainly the better part of the Parisian press was 
still maintained ; even the opposition Gazette de 
France^ But the Moniteur, the most important journal 
of the time, had been official since the 7th of Niv6se, 
and the other twelve were threatened with immediate 
suppression, did they insert "articles contrary to the 
respect due to the social compact, to the sovereignty 
of the people, and the glory of the armies," or if they 
should publish " invectives against governments or 
nations friendly with or allied to the Republic, even 
when those articles should be extracted from foreign 
periodicals.'* In short, all opposition whatever on the 
part of the press was forbidden ; and we may almost 
say that the commencement of despotism actually dates 
from this order of the 27th of NivSse. 

Put forward as a provisional measure, " during the 
course of the war," this suspension of the liberty of 
the press did not terminate with the Peace of Amiens, 
but continued during the entire Consulate and the 
Empire also, with various aggravations ; amongst 
others (to speak only of the period of the Consulate), 
it was forbidden to mention the movements of the 
land or sea forces (on the 1 6th of Pluvidse of the year 
VIII and the i ith and 14th of PratritU of the year XI) ; 
or to give any summary or analysis at the head of the 
first page (on the 1 5th of Thermidor of the year VIII) ; 
to give news likely to. disturb commerce or to stir 
public opinion (on the 9th of Thermidor of the year 


IX) ; to make any mention of religious affairs (on the 
1 8 th of Thermidor of the year IX) or of the state of 
the nation's supply of food (on the i8th of Frimaire 
of the year X), or to give reports of suicides (in 
Frimaire of the year XI ) . 

The Government did not authorise the creation of 
any new political journal, excepting (in the year X) 
an official and ephemeral Bulletin de Paris, On the 
9th of Prairial of the year VIII the Ami des Lois was 
suppressed, for having published epigrams upon the 
Institute. Two other journals also ceased publication, 
whether willingly or imwillingly : the Bien-Informi 
in Germinal of the year VIII, and the Journal des 
hommes libres in Fructidor of the same year. If we 
except the Moniteur^ the official journal, and Dicade 
philosophiquey a review, which had practically aban- 
doned all mention of politics, by the month of Germinal 
of the year IX there were only eight political journals 
in Paris: the Journal des dibats (with 8,150 sub- 
scribers) ; the Publiciste (with 2,850) ; th^ Gazette 
de France (with 3,250) ; the Clef du cabinet (with 
1,080) ; the Citoyen franfais (with 1,300) ; the 
Journal des difenseurs de la patrie (with 900) ; the 
Journal du soir (with 550) ; the Journal de Paris 
(with 600) ; a total of 18,680 subscribers." 

The political journals of the provinces were not 
affected by the order of the 27th of NiySse, but those 
exhibiting any signs of independence were suppressed 
by individual measures' : such as the Ripublicain di mo- 
crate of Auch, the Anti-royaliste of Toulouse, and the 
Vedette of Rouen. The matter was so handled that 
only one journal remained for each department, and 
that directed or inspired by the prefect. As for the 
foreign journals, circulation in France was forbidden 

' Report by Councillor of State Roederer, cited by Hahn, Histoirt 
de la presse, vol. vii. p. 412. 


to practically all, save during the first few weeks fol- 
lowing the Peace of Amiens. 

A censor's office was at work, in the dark and un- 
acknowledged. iWamings, reprimands, threats, and 
examples of suppression reduced the journals (as under 
the Directory after the i8th of Fractidor) to a state 
in which they no longer ventured to express their 
political ideas except by the choice of news, or by 
historical allusicms in their literary departments ; and 
even this they could not do with impunity. 

Thus intimidated, the journals became insignificant, 
practically negligible . This was not Bonaparte's doing ; 
he would have preferred a lively but docile press with 
all the appearance of freedom. > Following the example 
of the Directory, he also attempted to inspire and to 
edit .2 The directors of the journals had to see that 
their writers were acceptable to the Government. 
Articles were sent to each journal in conformity with 
its former shade of politics. These schemes, however, 
gave no one the illusion of a free press. 

But it must not be supposed that at the end of the 
Consulate the entire press was absolutely domesticated. 
After the murder of the Due d*Enghien the Journal 
des dibats ventured to manifest its reprobation of the 
act by publishing a translation of the speech by means 
of which Pacuvius, in Silius Italicus, dissuades his son 
from his intenticm of assassinating Hannibal. Suard, 

* See the report of Portalis of the 23rd of Brumaire of the year IX 
(cited in the Revolution fran^aise, vol. xxxii. pp. 66-72). " The first rule 
of conduct is not to leave the journalists entire liberty, but to foster 
without affectation the idea, so consoling to the reader, that they are 
really free. To this effect it is enough to direct, constantly and in a 
secret and invisible manner, the editing of these journals." 

"It will be remembered that Napoleon had literary ambitions in his 
obscure and youthful days ; so that it is possible that he was actuated 
here not entirely by policy, but by vanity, or at least by a half -forgotten 
faculty.— [Trans.] 


solicited to write an apology for the murder in the 
Pttbliciste^ wrote a letter of proud refusal. 

Once the Empire was established these traices of 
independence disappeared^ and the political press 
belonged absolutely to the Government. 


Despotism was already to be found in the Constitu- 
tion of the year VIII, but expressed only by implica- 
tion, and half obscured by formulae, which were brief 
and obscure by Bonaparte's desire, as he later con- 
fessed in referring to the Italian Constitution. On 
the very day when he was certain that the nation had 
accepted the Constitution, the mask fell, and the First 
Consul presented to the Tribunate and the Legisla- 
tive Corps the proposed law (which became the law 
of the 28th of Pluvidse of the year VIII) concerning 
the reorganisation of the administration ; a scheme 
to establish an absolute centralisation for the profit 
of one man, by means of which the people was abso- 
lutely deprived of all rights in the election of officials ; 
so that the people retained nothing of its former 
sovereignty but the right to elect the justices of the 

The Constitution had declared that the territory of ^ 
the Republic was divided into departments and com- 
munat arrondissentents. The division' into departments 
was maintained, without further change than the sup- 
pression of the department of Mont-Terrible, which 
was combined with that of Haut-Rhin. As for the 
communal arrondissements^ which the Constitution had 
named without defining, it was supposed that the 
maintenance was intended of those cantonal munici- 
palities by means of which the authors of the Con- 
stitution of the year III had attempted to establish 
a true communal life. But it was precisely th^se 

voi*. IV. 12 


communes^ large enough to have a life and action of 
their own, that might have opposed an obstacle to 
despotic centralisation. All the old municipalities were 
re-established as the Constituent Assembly had pre- 
viously established them, and as we have them to-day : 
that is to say, there was a return to a sterilising 
dispersion of municipal life. 

Under the name of arrondissements were reconsti- 
tuted the districts, abolished by the Constitution of 
the year III ; but their niunber was diminished. As 
for the administrators, the Constitution had made it 
clear that they would be appointed by the executive 
power ; but not that the administration would be 
entrusted, in the departments and in the arrondisse- 
ments, to one single man. The law of the 28th of 
Ptuvidse^ Article 3, enacted that ** the prefect will alone 
be entrusted with the administration." In each 
arrondissement he would have sub-prefects imder his 
orders. > This was the resurrection of the intendants 
and their sub -delegates, yet the system was far more 
severe than imder the ancien rigime; for they could 
not be opposed by any body, institution, or tradition 

An explanatory statement enunciates the principle 
" that to admimstrate must be the work of one man ; 

* Doubtless under the preceding system of government the com- 
missaries of the Directory attached to the central and municipal 
administrations had, by the increase of their powers, prepared the 
people for this system of prefects and sub-prefects ; but, as they could 
only be chosen from among the inhabitants of the district in which 
they were to operate, these commissaries, men of the neighbourhood 
as much as agents of the central power, applied themselves to humotir 
local feeling, even when they caused the Directory to suppress the 
elected administrations. The prefects and sub-prefects, on the other 
hand, were scarcely ever chosen from among the inhabitants of their 
departments or arrondissements, were scarcely ever wtf« ofihe country; 
a fact which greatly increased the severity of the new method of 
administrative centralisation. 


to judge ^ the work of several." There are two kinds 
of judgments. Firstly, judgments which consist in the 
redistribution of the imposts ; these are confided to 
Councils General^ Arrondissement Councils^ or to 
Municipal Redistributors . Secondly, judgments of con- 
tentious matters, debateable claims, &c. ; these are 
confided to Councils of the Prefecture. 

Appointed for three years, the Councils General and 
Arrondissement Councils sat only for fifteen days in 
each year, in order to settle the apportionment of direct 
taxation between the arrondissements or commimes. 
The Council General also voted " additional centimes " 
for departmental expenses ; these the prefect employed 
as he chose, on condition of accounting for such ex- 
penditure once a year to the Council General, which 
limited itself to " hearing " this accoimt and expressing 
its opinion as to the needs of the department. 

The duties of the Municipal Councils were slightly 
more extensive ; they could audit and discuss the 
account of revenue and expenditure handed by the 
mayor to the sub -prefect, who gave it its final shape ; 
and they deliberated on questions such as loans, 
octrois, &c. The civil commonwealth and the police 
were confided to the mayors and assistants. But in 
cities of over one himdred thousand inhabitants the 
police were in the hands of the Government. In Paris 
the system was exceptional, and there was a prefect of 
police. Prefects, sub-prefects, members of Council 
(General or d* arrondissement), mayors, assistants, and 
municipal councillors were appointed, some by the 
First Consul and some by the prefects. As for the 
" contentious tribunal " established in each department 
imder the name of the '* Council of Prefecture," and 
composed, according to the department, of three, four, 
or five members, its members were appointed by the 
First Consul, and the prefect might preside over the 
Council, and had the casting-vote in case of equality 


of votes .> Thus^ having distinguished administrative 
matters from matters of judgment, the authors of the 
law proceeded to confoimd them again in the interests 
of despotism. 

The Tribunate was horrified by the presentation of 
this project, and the liberals of that assembly could 
regard it only as codified tyranny. Daunou, who re- 
ported upon it (on the 23rd of Pluvidse), riddled it 
with criticisms, but eventually advised its adoption, 
simply because it would be dangerous to reject it.> 
The press being mute, the Tribunate felt itself power- 
less. There were eloquent speeches against the sup- 
pression of alt these liberties, but finally the Tribunate 
adopted the law by 71 votes against 25, and the 
Legislative Corps by 217 against 63. 

Thus was organised this system of despotic centrali- 
sation ; but at first its effects appeared to be entirely 
happy, on account of the skilful manner in which 
Bonaparte chose his prefects and sub-prefects,3 and 

' The " Councillors of Prefecture " did not receive a salary sufficient 
to ensure their independence ; according to the population of the city 
in which the Council operated, this salary varied from 1,200, 1,600, 2,000 
to 2,400 francs. The salary of a prefect was 8,000, 12,000, 16,000, to 
20,000 francs. The sub-prefects received 3,000 francs in towns of less 
than 2,000 inhabitants, and 4,000 francs in larger towns. 

" Here is the conclusion of his report : '' The Commission would have 
wished to find in the provisions of the project more numerous and 
more direct reasons for adopting it It has been obliged to lay frankly 
before you the faults it has seen. It cannot say to you : Approve of this 
measure, because it is as good as it could be ; because it answers all the 
demands of the constitution ; because all its articles are the applica- 
tions of the excellent principles which preface it ; but it invites you to 
consent to it because it would be dangerous to wait too long for it to 
be perfected." 

s The prefects and sub-prefects were selected from the flower of the 
political and administrative personnel which had developed during the 
Revolution. Among them—contrary to the usual statement — was only 
a small number of Montagnards. Those who were most numerous, 
and most zealous to serve the Consulate, were moderate liberals, ex- 


because at the outset he could accordingly rapidly 
effect the various ameliorations of which his genius, 
conceived. The administration was rapid and simple. 
It was found to be equitable. Europe appeared to 
envy the French. It was <mly gradually that it became 
brutal and tyrannical, as the master himself degenerated 
from a good into an evil despot. 


•This transformlation was slow, and its various phases 
ill comprehended by contemporaries. At the time when 
the Constitution of the year VIII was before the 
country Bonaparte still preserved a kind of republican 
simplicity. It was not until the 30th of Pluvidse 
that he installed himself in the Tuileries, as he was 
authorised by law.i He kept no Consulail Court as 
yet ; his first thought was to surround himself with a 
Court of heroic statues. He ordered that the great 
gallery of the Tuileries should be ornamented with 
effigies of Demosthenes, Alexander, Hannibal, Scipio, 
Brutus, CiceDO, Caesar, Turenne, Cond^, Washington, 

Constituents, ex-Legislatives, ex-Conventionals of the Gironde or the 
Plain. At the outset many were inclined to assume the attitude of 
" representatives on mission " ; to issue proclamations and publish 
journals ; they were quickly reminded of the modesty of their functions 
as subordinate agents, and rendered a devoted obedience. 

' The law of the 3rd of Nivose of the year VIII had appropriated to 
the various constituted authorities the following national buildings : 
I. The Palais de Luxembourg to the Conservative Senate. 2. The 
Tuileries to the Consuls (Bonaparte lived in the apartments of Louis 
XVI ; Le Brun had the Pavilion de Flore ; Cambac^res the Hotel 
d'Elbeuf). 3. The Palais du Cinq-Cents (Palais Bourbon) to the 
Legislative Corps. 4. The Palais d'£gaiit6 (Palais-Royal) to the Tri- 
bunate. Thibaudeau says the ceremony of installation in the Tuileries 
was still of a character of repubUcan simplicity. Mme. de Stael, on . 
the contrary, was struck by the regal air of Bonaparte and the servility , 
of those about hinL 


Frederick the Great, Mirabeau, Marceau, &cj He pre- 
served a part of the republican etiquette, and no title 
was employed but that of citizen .« Upon the news of 
.Washington's death he issued an order of the day (on 
the 1 8th of Plttvidse of the year VHI) ordaining mourn- 
ing in the name of the ideas of Liberty and Equality. 

But beside these republican customs new manners 
began to appear ; or rather it was that manners of 
the old school began timidly to reappear. The Opera 
balls, forbidden since 1790, were reopened ; men dis- 
guised themselves as monks, parliamentary counsellors, 
&c., as much in reaction as in a spirit of parody. A 
brilliant reception given by Talleyrand on the 6th of 
Ventdse of the year VIII (February 25, 1800) 
made apparent the First Consul's intention of gathering 
about him the society of the ancien rigime as well as 
that of the new. There were present MM. de Coigny, 
Dumas, Portalis, S^gur the elder, La Rochefoucauld- 
Liancourt, and de Crillon, and Mmes. de Vergennes, de 
Castellane, d'Aiguillon, and de Noailles. At the time 
of the coup dPStat of the 1 8th of Brumaire and during 
the provisional Consulate, Bonaparte had surrounded 
himself almost entirely with the men of 1789, liberals, 
and members of the Institute. He now began to intro- 
duce new elements for the formation of his future court, 
and he foimd them among the people of the ancien 
rfgime. As for the liberals, who took seriously their 
parts as tribimes or legislators, and who were already 
forming into an opposition, he was out of humour with 

' Bonaparte's modesty and simplicity at the commencement of the 
Consulate were signalled by a royzdist journal published at Hamburg, 
the Spectateur du Nord. [It must be remembered that Mme. de Stael's 
own manners were noisy, effusive, and ostentatious ; she shocked the 
Genevans and amused the Parisians. Reserve and quiet were possibly 
qualities she was apt to mistake ; certainly she had a genius for mis- 
understanding men. — ^Trans.] 

" Yet he himself set the example of saying Madame in place of 


them, and already sneeringly called them the 

Soon we shall see him still further modify the French 
patriotism whose degeneration had facilitated the 
success of the coup d^itat. The word which the men 
of the Revolution had habitually associated with 
patriotism was the word virtue. In place of virtue^ - 
Bonaparte begins to employ the word honour. On the 
17th of Ventdse it is ** in the name of honour " that 
he summons the conscripts to join their regiments 
before the 15th of Germinal. The new patriotism is 
the emulation of Frenchmen in a direction determined 
by Bonaparte. Honour is the glory of having been 
proclaimed as victor in the struggle by Bonaparte. 
It is precisely that honour in which Montesquieu saw 
the mainspring of monarchies ; and it is precisely a 
return to the monarchical spirit, a transformation of 
citizens into subjects, that we now see Bonaparte pre- 
paring, by this substitution of the word honour for the 
words virtue^ Liberty^ and Equality with which the 
Revolution loved to embellish patriotism. It is no 
longer so much a question of loving a country for its 
own sake ; men will shortly become accustomed to 
love it for the sake of a master ; to love it in its | 
master, as in the days of the old monarchy. 


The negotiations with Austria having miscarried, 
Bonaparte has occasicoi to win fresh military glory, 
which will serve him usefully in assuring his domina- 
tion in the interior. But the Constitution does not 
confer upon him the command of the Army. The 
command is given to Berthier, who yields the portfolio 
of War to Camot. The First Consul will be present 
at the campaign only as an onlooker ; but that onlooker 
will be the real commander-in-chief. 


The preparations for war were accompanied by the 
taking of precautions against liberty. Three journals 
were suspended : the Bien-Informi^ the Journal des 
hommes litres^ and the Journal des difenseurs de la 
patrie. The theatrical censorship was re-established 
(on the 15th of Germinal of the year VIII) and Paris 
saw the last of that Aristophanic comedy which until 
then had been able to run its almost free course, but 
of which hardly a trace has ever reappeared. 

During his absence, which lasted from the i6th of 
Florial until the 12th of Messidor of the year VIII, 
Bonaparte dared not retain the exercise of the execu- 
tive power ; so the executive was confided, according 
to the Constitution, to Cambacdr^s, the Second Consul, 
who acquitted himself well during the interim. It 
seems that the governmental machine was able to 
operate without Bonaparte ; indeed, it was given out 
that the provisional government had determined in 
advance the election of the successor to the First 
Consul, should the latter perish in the war.^ 

Victor at Marengo (on the 25th of Prairial of the 
year VIII, or June 14, 1800), he hastened to return 
to Paris, without receiving all the fruits of his victory. 

He was welcomed with honour, but not fulsomely ; 
the Tribunate seemed rather inclined to praise the 
heroism of Desaix.^ But among the masses of the 
ooimtry-folk and the artisans there was an outburst 
of enthusiasm, and the people began to believe in the 
star, the providential mission of the First Consul. This, 
it would seem, was the moment when his whole ambi- 
tious dream defined itself and became articulate in 
Napoleon's mind. 

An unforeseen event was about to increase his popu- 
larity yet further, and offer new means to his ambition. 

* See the memoirs of Miot de Melito, i. 109 ; Stanislas de Girardin, 
i. 175 ; and Lucien Bonaparte, i. 41a 

* See Daunou's report of the 3rd of Messidor. [See also notes.— Trans. 


On the 3rd of Nivdse of the year IX (Decem- 
ber 24, 1800), as Bonaparte, driving to the Opera, 
was passing down the rue Saint-Nicaise, a royalist, 
by name Saint -Rdjant, attempted to kill him by the 
explosion of a keg of gunpowder concealed in a cart. 
Four persons were killed and some sixty woimded. 
The First Consul was not touched. His anger imme- 
diately jmnped with his political interests, and hd 
attributed the crime to the " Jacobins " : that is, to^ /l 
those of the republicans who were imwilling to deliver,, 
the Republic into the hands of one man. The time^ 
was past when he willingly went out of his way after 
them in order to ensure the success of the plebiscite. 
He hated and feared them more than any other party. 
The cries of ** Outlaw! "' with which they had harassed 
him on the 19th day of Brumaire still resounded in 
his ears. He saw that the occasion was a good one 
for ridding himself of some of them and intimidating 
the rest. Also he would thus roundly give the lie to 
Pitt, who had called the First Consul the son and 
champian of the Jacobins^ and would appear before 
Europe as a lover of order. 

Proofs came pouring in that the criminal of the 
rue Saint-Nicaise was a royalist. None the less Bona- 
parte persisted in his desire to strike the republicans. 
It was impossible to obtain a law of proscription from 
the Tribunate and the Legislative Corps. Bonaparte 
resorted to the expedient of an ** act of government," 
drafted in the Council of State on the 14th of Nivdse^ 
by order of which one hundred and thirty republicans 
were to be " placed under special supervision outside 
the European territory of the Republic " ; not as 
accomplices in the attempt of the rue Saint-Nicaise, 
but as Septemberers and anarchists*: that is to say, 

The preamble of the senatas consuttus by which 
this act was approved (on the 15th of Nivdse) shows 


that the conservative republicans were not sorry to 
rid themselves of the democratic republicans : 

"The Sinai Conservateur^ &c., considering that it is a matter of 
notoriety that for many years there has existed in the Republic, and 
notably in the city of Paris, a number of individuals who, at various 
periods of the Revolution, have defiled themselves with the greatest 
crimes ; and that these individuals, arrogating to themselves the name 
and the rights of the people, have been and continue to be on every 
occasion the focus of every conspiracy, the agents of every attempt 
upon life, the venal instrument of all internal or external enemies, the 
disturbers of all governments, and the pest of the social order ; that 
the amnesties accorded to these persons on various occasions, far from 
recalling them to a state of obedience to the laws, have only made 
them the bolder by habit and have encouraged them by impunity ; 
that their repeated conspiracies and attempts upon life have latterly, 
by the very fact that they have miscarried, become a fresh motive 
for attacking a government whose justice threatens them with a 
final punishment; that it results from the evidence laid before the 
Conservative Senate that the presence of these individuals in the 
Republic, and notably in this great capital, is a continual cause of 
alarms and a secret terror to the peaceful citizens who fear, on the 
part of these men of blood, the fortuitous success of some conspiracy 
and the return of their vengeance ; considering that the Constitution 
has in no wise determined the measures of security necessary to 
employ in such a case ; and that in view of this silence on the part 
of the Constitution and the laws as to the means of setting a term 
to the dangers which every day threaten the public weal, the desire 
and the will of the people can be expressed only by the authority 
which it has especially entrusted to preserve the social pact, and to 
annul or maintain such acts as are favourable or contrary to the 
Constitutional charter; that according to this principle the Senate, 
interpreter and guardian of this charter, is the natursd judge of the 
measure proposed in these circumstances by the Government ; that 
this measure has the advantage of uniting the double characteristics 
of firmness and indulgence, in that on one hand it removes from 
society the disturbing persons who put it in danger, while on the other 
hand it leaves them a last means of amendment ; considering finally, 
according to the appropriate expressions of the Council of State, that 
the application of the Government to the Conservative Senate, in order 
to procure from this tutelary body an examination of its own pro- 
ceedings and a decision upon them, becomes by force of example a 
safeguard capable of reassuring the nation by its continuation, and 
of forewarning the Government itself against any action dangerous 


to the public liberty ; for all these reasons the Conservative Senate 
declares that the act of the Government dated the 14th of Nivose 
is a measure preservative of the Constitution/' * 

All innocent^ these proscribed republicans^ to whose 
number a few more were added without a fresh senatus 
consuUuSf were very unequally treated. The most 
notable among them — Talot, Fdlix Le Peletier, 
Choudieu^ and the Prince of Hesse — evaded deporta- 
tion ; probably thanks to the double part played by 
Fouch^ as Minister of Police. Destrem, however, ex- 
member of the Five Hundred, who had severely apos- 
trophised Bonaparte at Saint-Cloud, was deported to 
Guiana, never to see France again. Some forty of 
those proscribed were also deported to Guiana. The 
others, among whom was General Rossignol, were 
deported to Mah6, one of the Seychelles Islands. 

Scarcely twenty of the whole survived, to return Jo 
France imder the Resto ration .* 

These were not the only measures taken at that 
time against the democrat -republicans. By an order 
of the 17th of Nivdse of the year IX fifty-two citizens 
known for their democratic tendencies were placed 
imder supervision in the interior of France, being for- 
bidden to reside in the department of Seine or in 
neighbouring departments. Among them were 
Antonelle, Moyse Bayle, Laignelot, Le Cointre, Sergent, 

' According to an oral tradition, reported by Buchez in 1838 (vol. 
xxxviii. p. 379), this senatus consuliuswsLS not voted without a lively opposi- 
tion on the part of the minority. ''Garat, Lambrechts, and Lenoir- 
Laroche attacked it vehemenUy. Lanjoinais cried : 'No coup ttitai I 
Coups if Hat destroy States I ' Sieyes alone proposed to justify the 
measure by considerations of public safety ; the dreadful developments 
of such considerations had formerly led to the deportation of a re- 
publican party. The debate was suspended and there were negotia- 
tions. The executive was exigent, the majority was on its side." 

* See J. Destrem's Les Deportations du Consulat et de F Empire, 
Paris. 1883. 


&c. The wives or widows of republicans were im- 
prisoned without trial : among them the widows of 
Chaumette^ Marat^ and Babeuf .> There was also blood- 
shed, and illegal sentences of death were passed. Sent 
before a military commission, a number of citizens — 
Chevalier, Veycer, Metge, Humbert, and Chapelle — 
accused of a pretended conspiracy organised by the 
police — were shot on the Plaine de Crenelle. Other 
and better known republicans— Ardna, Ceracchi, Topino- 
Lebrun, and Demerville— were condemned to death by 
the Criminal Court of Seine, although they were guilty 
only of remarks hostile to Bonaparte, or at the most of 
a slight tendency to sedition, and were guillotined on 
the nth of Pluvidse of the year IX. As for the true 
authors of the attempt in the rue Saint -Nicaise, 
the royalist Saint -Rdjant and his accomplice Carbon, 
the evidence of whose guilt was overwhelming, 
they were condemned to death and executed on 
the 1 6th of Germinal following (or the 6th of April, . 

Although many writers have declared differently, 
material order was not efficiently maintained under the 
Consulate. The royalist brigands held up the dili- 
gences^ as imder the Directory ; murdered patriots, 
and looted, in the country districts, the houses of those 
who had acquired national prop>erty. On the ist of 
Vendimiaire of the year IX a band of Chouans carried 
off the senator Clement de Ris, who was spending the 
summer at his ch&teau in Touraine ; and ori the 28th 
of the following Brumaire another band murdered the 
" constitutional " Bishop Audrein, on a pastoral circuit 
in Finistfere. 

The gendarmerie, mobile columns of troops, and 
military commissions should have been enough to stamp 
out these crimes. Bonaparte profited by the public 
indignation by obtaining the creation' of special tri- 

' Yet Bonaparte granted Robespierre's sister a pension. 


bunals, which rid him at need not only of the royalist 
brigands^ but of republicans of the opposition. By 
the law of the 1 8th of Pluvidse of the year IX — which 
the Tribunate almost rejected (the votes being 49 for 
and 4 1 against) and which had a fairly strong minority 
against it in the Legislative Corps (192 votes for 
and 88 against) — the Government was authorised to 
establish, in such departments as it thought fitting, 
a special tribunal composed of a president and two 
judges of the criminal court, and three military and two 
civil members appointed by the First Consul. This 
tribunal was to deal with practically all crimes of a 
nature calculated to cause the Government anxiety, and 
that without appeal or recourse to a higher court, except 
on questions of competence. Bonaparte was thus able 
to establish at will in each department a kind of 
Revolutionary Tribunal for the purpose of satisfying 
his appetite for revenge ; and he did establish such 
courts in at least 32 departments. 

The progress of Bonaparte's despotism did not alarm 
the liberals of the Tribunate or the Legislative Corps, 
although this despotism was based upon the increase 
of popularity which the First Consul had lately derived 
from the treaty of peace concluded with Austria at 
Lundville, on the 20th of Pluvidse of the year IX. The 
three first divisions of the Civil Code, prepared in the 
Council of State with the personal and predominant 
collaboration of Bonaparte, were the object of lively 
criticism on the part of the Tribunate, as being any- 
thing but consistent with the principles of 1789, and 
marking a reaction in respect of the former project 
already partly voted by the Convention. The first 
division was rejected by the Tribimate and the Legis- 
lative Corps, and the second, also rejected by the 
Tribunate, was about to be submitted to the Legislative 
Corps, when the Government withdrew the project by 
means of an abusive message [(in Nivdse of the year X). 


At the same time the Legislative Corps and the 
Tribunate emphasised their opposition by selecting as 
candidates for the Senate such ideologues as Daunou. 

When Bonaparte returned from his triumphal journey 
to Lyons, bringing with him the title of President of the 
Italian Republic (in PluviSse of the year X) and all the 
prestige of a popularity which was even greater in the 
departments than in Paris, he felt himself powerful 
enough to chastise by a sudden blow the leaders of 
the opposition in the two so-called representative 
assemblies . 

The time was approaching when, according to the 
Constitution, a fifth of the Tribunate and of the Legis- 
lative Corps must be renewed. Instead of allowing the 
outgoing members to be selected by lot, the First 
Consul, inspired, it is said, by Cambacdr^s, conceived 
the idea of commanding the Senate to name those 
members of the two assemblies who should retain their 
seats ; and as a matter of fact the senatus consulttts 
on the 27th of Ventdse of the year X named 240 mem- 
bers of the Legislative Corps and 80 of the Tribimate 
as not subject to re-election, and in this way were 
eliminated the leaders of the opposition. Among others 
were the tribunes Daunou, Bailleul, Isnard, Thibault, 
and — most noteworthy of all — Benjamin Constant, who 
had proved himself no mean tactician and orator. They 
were replaced by more manajg^eable men ; it was then^ 
however, that Carnot entered the Tribunate. Thus ex- 
purgated, these assemblies offered less opposition ; but, 
as we shall see, they still preserved a certain 

Peace having been concluded with England, at 
Amiens, on the 4th of Germinal of the year X 
(March 25, 1802), that general pacification so de- 
sired by the French was at last effected, after eight 
years of war. Bonaparte concluded that the moment 
had come to realise, by means of the Life Consulship, 


one of those ambitious dreams for which he had already 
prepared by a change in his religious policy. This 
change is of such importance in the history of the 
plebiscitary Republic that we must devote a special 
chapter to it. 



I. The S3rstem of Separation of Church and State under the Consulate. 
The Decadal cult Theophilanthropy.— II. The two Catholic 
sects. — III. General results of the system of Separation.— IV. The 
causes of the destruction of this system. — ^V. The Concordat — 
VI. Application of the Concordat— VII. New advantages accorded 
to the Roman Church. 


For a long time— that is, until the Concordat — the reli- 
gious policy of the Consulate appeared to be merely 
the continuation of the religious policy of the Directory. 
On the 30th of Brummre of the year VIII the Minister 
of the Interior, Laplace, wrote to the departmental 
authorities : 

" Do not nef^lect any occasion of proving to your fellow-citizens that 
superstition will have no more cause for rejoicing than rojralism over 
the changes made by the i8th of Brumaire, It is by continually 
ensuring the most meticulous observation of the laws instituting the 
national and decadal festivals, the republican calendar, the new system 
of weights and measures, ftc., that you will justify the confidence of 
the Government.' 


On the following 6th of Frimaire the Minister of 
Police, Fouch^, wrote to the same authorities' : " Let 
the fanatics hope no more to ensure the domination 
of an intolerant cult ; the Government protects all 


equally without favouring any." On the 26th of the 
same months in a circular addressed to the bishops of 
the former Constitutional Churchy he excited an emula- 
tion among the cults as to which should best serve 
the Republic : not in appearance, but in reality : 

" Think/' he said, ** it is futile to speak a different language in your 
sermons, which are heard, and in the confessional, which is secret ; the 
secret of your inspiration in that tribunal in which you deal with souls 
will be revealed by the character of the souls which you direct and 

To the prefects, on the 26th of Prairial of the year 
VIII, Fouch^ wrote : 

** Let the temples of all religions be open ; let all consciences be 
free ; let all religions be equally respected ; but let their altars be 
raised peacefully beside the altars of the country, and may the first 
of public virtues, the love of order, preside over all ceremonies, inspire 
all discourse, and direct all minds." 

The laws of the 7th of VendSnuaire and the 22nd of 
Germinal of the year IV, which forbade the external 
observances of religious worship, were still applied.^ 
When, at the approach of the Concordat, the vigilance 
of the authorities was in this respect relaxed, Fouch6, 
in a circular of the 13th of Florial of the year IX, 
ordered the prefects to keep the Catholics rigorously up. 
to the standard in the matter of observing the laws. 
This circular did not remain a dead letter : on the 

' Thus Richard, prefect of Haute-Garonne, wrote to Fouche on the 
20th of Messidor of the year VIII : " A priest has taken it upon himself 
to ring the bells in the commune of Gardouch. I notified the mayor 
that the first time this priest permitted himself to break the laws he 
would be arrested and the church closed. I have not heard that the 
action has been repeated. Another priest, in the commune of Lave- 
lanet, canton of Rieux, led a procession. I gave severe orders in this 
case also, and am convinced that such a thing will not happen again" 
(see the Rivolution franfaise, voL xxxiii. p. i84), 

VOL. IV, 13 


1st of Prairial following the prefect of Seine, Frochot, 
requested the mayors of Paris to apply it scrupulously. < 
Royalist demonstrations on the part of the Catholic 
clergy were severely repressed. Thus Abb6 Foumier 
having spoken, in a sermon, at Saint-Germain- 
TAuxerrois (on the 4th of Prairial of the year IX) of 
the execution of Louis XVI as a crime, was imprisoned 
in the Bicfitre as seized with " seditious lunacy." 

On the other hand the principle of the secular State 
was observed and defended less zealously than under 
the Directory, but without any notable lapses. Public 
instruction was still based on the principles of 1789, 
and even after the signing of the Concordat there was 
no immediate change in this respect. The law of the 
nth of FloriiU of the year X concerning public in- 
struction did not re-establish religious instruction in 
the schools of the Republic ; and in upholding the 
project of this law before the Tribunate, Roederer, now 
a State Coimcillor, proclaimed " the independence of 
the State," declaring that *' public instruction and 
religion were and should be two separate institutions." 

Bonaparte, therefore, continued to uphold the system 
of the separation of Church and State : the system of 
the secular State. But he did not apply it as the 
Directory had applied it ; or rather he did not apply 
it in the same spirit. The Directory had hoped finally 
though gradually to extinguish the Catholic religion 
in France, as being incompatible with republican 
principles. The First Consul, until the day when he 

' They were to see that the following manifestations were not 
renewed : ringing bells to call people to church ; posting notices 
announcing sermons, the Christian festivals, &c., on the doors of 
churches ; exhibiting palls or mourning draperies bearing a cross ; and 
the exposing of dead bodies in such a manner as to exhibit the appa- 
ratus or insignia of a cult. ''Thanks to the present Government we 
are no longer under the rule of atheism nor of intolerance, but under 
he empire of a truly philosophic legislation " {Catalogue dune impor^ 
atnie collection, &c,, Paris, Charavay, 1862). 


decided to negotiate a concordat with the Pope, affected 
a kind of impartial neutrality, and revoked several of 
the militant measures formerly established, whether 
against the ministers of the Catholic religion or the 
religion itself. 

An order of the 8th of Frimaire of the year VIII 
annulled the orders of deportation issued by the 
Directory against those priests who had taken all the 
oaths in succession, or had married, or had ceased to 
exercise their priestly ftmctions before the law of the 
7th of Vendimicure of the year IV. 

Three orders of the 7 th of Nivdse following granted 
to the sects facilities and advantages by which the 
Catholics must have chiefly profited. Firstly, all 
churches not alienated were restored to the use "of 
the citizens of the commtmes which were in possession 
of them on the first day of the year II " ; secondly, 
from ministers of religion, as from fimctionaries, the 
only declaration henceforth required was to be this : 
•• / promise fidelity to the Constitution " (a prescription 
confirmed by the law of the 21st of the same month) ; 
thirdly, the orders by which some administrations had 
ordained that the churches should be opened on Dicadi 
only were revoked and annulled ; and it was stated 
•• that the laws relating to the liberty of religion would 
be executed according to their form and tenour." 

Under the Consulate, in the years VIII and IX, the 
same religious cults co-existed as under the Directory. 

The •• civil religion " or *• decadal cult " was not 
suppressed. An order of the 2nd of PluviSse of the 
year VIII enacted that the same edifices should continue 
to serve at the same time for the " celebration of the 
decadal ceremonies " and the •* celebration of the cere- 
monies of the cults," and that the administrative authori- 
ties would select the hours accorded to each cult, so as to 
prevent concurrent services. But the decadal cult was 
reduced. Out of consideration of the fact ** that it is con- 


ducive to the national liberty and prosperity to preserve 
those national festivals only which have been welcomed 
by all Frenchmen, without leaving any memories that 
might tend to produce division among the friends of the 
Republic," a law of the 3rd of Nivdse of the year VIII 
ordained that there should be no more national festivals 
except that of July 14th and that of the foimdation 
of the Republic. An order of the following 7th of 
Thermidor declared that the observation of the Dicadi 
as a feast-day should be compulsory ** only for the 
constituted authorities, public functionaries, and salaried 
servants of the Government/* « 

The rule that marriages must be celebrated only on 
Dicadis and in the chief town of the canton was im- 
plicity suppressed by another order of the same date, 
and although this order enacted that the publications of 
marriages should be made only on Dicadis^ it was none 
the less a terrible blow to the decadal ceremonies, as 
marriages had formed their principal attraction .> 

' This order enacted that " fair days and market days should remain 
fixed according to the republican calendar and the orders of the 
central and municipal administrations." 

" Some time before the issue of these orders the Consular Govern- 
ment had recommended the prefects to apply no longer the laws which 
rendered the Dicadi compulsory. Nothing could in this respect be 
more significant than the following letter, written from Bordeaux on 
the 3rd of Prairial of the year VIII by the ex-Conventional Thibaudeau, 
prefect of the Gironde, to the Minister of the Interior: "Citizen 
Minister, I ought not to leave you in ignorance of the fact that at the 
time of my arrival in this department I discovered a great relaxation 
on the part of the citizens and the authorities in the matter of the 
celebration of the Dicadi and a great eagerness to celebrate the old 
festivals. The former are entirely forgotten, and the latter are devoted 
to rest and relaxation. This state of a£Fairs has caused no disturbances ; 
but there are none the less complaints on the part of people who 
attach a great deal of importance to this republican institution. Before 
my departure from Paris I had several conversations on this subject 
with the Consular authorities. I was told that the intention of the 
Government was not to force the citizens to labour or to rest on fixed 
days ; that they must be left the widest liberty on this point ; that ex- 


These ceremonies nevertheless were continued until 
the application of the Concordat. Practically none 
but the public functionaries attended them ; but the 
altar of the Patrie was still dressed and honoured in 
the principal churches of France, and until 1802 it still 
drew its faithful adorers . 

As for Theophilanthropy, the friendly relations 
which existed between this sect and the Govempaent 
were not at the outset sensibly modified by the coup 
d^itat, in which several of the followers of this " natural 
religion " took part, while others approved, suffering 
from a common illusion with the Institute. Bonaparte 
left them free for a time ; then he began to regard 
them with the aversion with which all ** ideologues " 
inspired him once he had determined to become a 
despot. At the time of the reaction which followed 
the victory of Marengo the police had orders to protect 
them no longer. On the 20th of NivOse of the year 
IX some rioters, probably Catholic, entered Saint - 
Gervais, demolished the altar of the Theophilanthropists, 
and tore down their decorations. The Government sup- 
pressed the cult without waiting for the publication of 
the Concordat ; on the 1 2th of Vendimiaire of the 

perience had proved that all the efforts to the end of keeping up the 
celebration of the Dicadt had proved ineffectual ; that the habits of the 
great majority of the nation were in continual opposition to it. I have 
consequently had to shut my eyes to what has been done. However, 
the common custom is in conflict with the letter of the laws. These 
laws exist : they have not been abrogated. It is extremely painful for 
an administrator to find himself placed between violations of the law, 
which seem to be authorised by the tolerance professed by the 
Government, and the imperative mandate of the law itself. Be so 
good, Citizen Minister, to confirm my irresolution in this respect, and 
outline the conduct which I should adhere to. Greetings and 
respect. — ^A. Thibaudbau." At the head of a summary of this letter, 
dated the 14th of Praitial, we read these words : " Let him do all he 
can to reconcile the laws with the wishes of the Government until he is 
advised of the result of proposals which are now under consideration 
to this end." 


year X (October 4, 1801) a consular order deprived the 
Theophilanthropists of the use of the national edifices^ 
and when they applied for an authorisaticNi to rent 
suitable quarters their petition remained unnoticed. > 


If we pass from the rationalistic groups to the 
mystical cults, we shall find that the Jews and the 
Protestants still led their modest life, without any 
attention from the State. The sects which are of 
interest in the political history of the Revolution, under 
the Consulate as under the Directory, are the two 
Catholic sects. 

The former Constitutional Church welcomed with 
joy the coup d^itai^ which, in suppressing the Directory, 
would presently abolish the ** decadal persecution " of 
which it had so bitterly complained : " The revolution 
of the 1 8th of Brumaire arrived," wrote Gr^goire, " and 
from that moment the clergy could breathe." Bishop 
Royer defended the coap tPiiat in the pulpit of Notre 
Dame. Bonaparte dealt graciously with the Constitu- 
tionals. He authorised them, in 1801, to hold a 
National Council, as the Directory had done in 1797. 
He flattered and consulted Gr^goire ; there was any 
amoimt of deference between the parties ; a continual 
coquetting. He allowed the Constitutionals to believe 
that the Concordat would be to their advantage. The 
relations between the State and the Constitutional 
Church were, at the end of the period of separation, 
excellent . 

' Gregoire {HisUrire des sedes, vol. i. p. 454) states that Ch^nier 
secretly continued to carry on the cult, in the Rue j^tieane, In a school 
at which he gave lessons in Latin. The cult was kept up by a few 
families, and may be in existence yet, for I remember receiving, a few 
years ago, a few numbers of a Theophilanthropic journal. But from 
the time of the order of the 12th of Vendimiaire, Theophilanthropy 
has had no legal existence nor historical importance. 


This Church was not in a state of progress. It could 
ill sustain the competition of so many refractory priests 
(Papists), who had issued from prison or returned 
from abroad in order to make the promise of fidelity. 
It was seriously put aback, and the numbers of its flock 
diminished. In the year IX, out of the fifteen ** national 
edifices " bestowed on the worshippers of Paris, the 
Constitutionals officiated in five only, while the " re- 
fractories " officiated in all the remaining ten. In 
the country a non-Papist priest often officiated in an 
empty church. In some towns the sect was followed by 
only a small proportion' of the bourgeoisie ; in others 
by a few poor folk only. The fact that at the date of 
the Concordat a fairly larg^ number of episcopal sees 
were vacant seems to prove clearly that the '* National " 
Church was national only in name ; that it was not 
gaining ground, but perhaps losing it ; that it had 
fewer followers than ever, and above all, that it was 

It was, however, stronger than its adversaries wished 
to see it ; it numbered in its ranks an honourable 
minority of the nation ; its pastors were virtuous and 
distinguished men ; it held metropolitan councils and 
a second National Cotmcil ; ^ they assembled regularly 

« In a report addressed by Hauterive to the First Consul (undated, 
but which M. Boulay. of Meurthe, beUeved to date from the 15th of 
mvSsc of the year IX) we read : "The Constitutional Clergy is rich in 
ministers, poor in followers. There are many priests, but the faithful 
are few ; it has good maxims and no credit. . . . 

• In this second National Council, held at Saint-Sulpice on June 29, 
1801, to the i6th of the foUowing August (the i8th of Prairial to the 
28th of Thermidor of the year IX), these schismatics, against their will, 
wrote a fresh letter to the Pope, hoping to be reconciled with him. 
At the same time they were inviting then- "non-communicating 
brothers" to renew the celebrated conferences of Carthage (between 
the Catholic bishops and the Donatist bishops of the fifth century). 
Each party was to -elect eighteen delegates, who were to meet in 
Notre-Dame on September i, 1801. On that day the eighteen Con- 


and solemnly ; they made a brave show. They were a 
living and moving force in the social development of 
France, a force which every one reckoned with. 

The Papist clergy retained almost the same attitude 
as under the Directory. The Councillor of State, 
Lacu^e, in a report of the year IX, denotmced this 
clergy as exciting hatred of the Republic. On the 
subject of the promise of fidelity exacted by the order 
of the 7th of Nivdse and by the law of the 21st of 
Nivdse of the year VIII the Papist priests were divided, 
as before on the subject of the various oaths, into 
opportimists and insurgents ; the manageable and the 
royalists. There were many bishops who urged their 
clergy to refuse the " promise," persuaded by the Abb6 
Maury, who represented the Pretender in Rome ; and 
by the attitude of the new Pope, Pius VII, who, without 
conunitting himself with regard to the " promise," had 
recognised Louis XVIII as King of France. But it 
seems probable, in the absence of statistics, that the 
majority of the lower clergy took the promise and 
rallied to the Consular Government,! 

stitutional delegates assembled in Notre-Dame. They waited eight 
days, in vain. No Papist appeared, and they separated moumfolly. 

' On the other hand we have the raw material of statistics relating 
to the religious situation in the departments in the tables which the 
Minister of the Interior had drawn up in his offices in the year IX, 
together with the replies provoked by a series of questions addressed 
more especially (it would seem) to the members of the Legislative 
Corps. I have published this document in my compilation : Lttai de 
France en Fan VIII et en Tan IX, 1897). This document shows that 
the majority or a large number of priests had made the promise in the 
following eighteen departments: Ain, Basses-Alpes, Hautes-Alpes, 
Alpes-Maritimes, Ariege, Aube, Aude, Charente, Cher, Correze, Eure-et- 
Loir, Gers, Gironde, Landes, Loire, Vienne, Saone-et-Loire, Var. In 
the departments of Haute-Mame and Bas-Rhin all the priests made 
the promise. A minority only took it in twenty-one departments : 
Aisne, Ardeche, Ardennes, Aveyron, Bouches-du- Rhone, Cantal, 
Charcnte-Inf^rieure, Cote-d'Or, Drome, Escaut, Finistere, Gard, Herault, 
lile-et-Vilaine, Jemmapes, Jura, Haute-Loire, Sambre-et-Meuse, Deux- 


£mery, Bausset^ and Sicard presided once again over 
this rallying movement^ and brought with them a strong 
minority of bishops^ either residents in France or 
inugris. Every day the royal cause was losing ad- 
herents from the ranks of the Papist clergy. 


Sudi, at the end of the system of separation .of 
Church and State, was the situation of the religious 
sects in France ; a situation very tolerable from the 
point of view of the Churches, and greatly to the 
advantage of the State. 

Neither the Theophilanthropists, nor the Jews, nor 
the Protestants, nor the ex-Constitutional Catholics had 
any reason to complain, either of the system or of the 
Government ; and indeed there survives no trace of 
any serious discontent on their part ; they desired only 
to constitute or re-constitute their internal hierarchy, 
and it did not seem as though any insurmountable 
obstacle stood in the way of their desire. Among the 
** Papist •' clergy who had rallied to the Republic the 
wish was general that certain external practices, such 
as the ringing of bells, should be permitted. It was 

Sevres, Vaucluse, Haute- Vienne. In the case of the other departments 
the replies to the questions do not give the numbers of the priests who 
gave the promise ; but religious disturbances are mentioned as occur- 
ring in the following twenty-two departments: Calvados, Cote-d'Or, 
Drome, Dyle, Escaut, Finistere, Haute-Garonne, Lozere, Lys, Maine- 
et-Loire, Manche, Mayenne, Meuse-Inferieure, Mont-Blanc, Morbihan, 
Moselle, Nord, Rhone, Seine-Inferieure, Somme, Tarn, Vosges. No 
religious disturbances were reported in the following twenty-two 
departments: Allier, Creuse, Ille-et-Vilaine, Indre, Indre-et- Loire, 
Isere, Leman, Loir-et-Cher, Loiret, Lot, Mame, Mense, Oise, Ourthe, 
Pas-de-Calais, Basses-Pyrenees, Hautes-Pyrenees, Pyr6n6es-Orientales, 
Haute- Rhin, Haute-Sa6ne, Vienne, Yonne. The document here 
analysed says nothing as to these twelve departments : Doubs, Eure, 
Forets, Golo, Liamone, Loire- Inferieure, Meurthe, Deux-Sivres, Seine, 
Seii^e-et-Marne, Seine-et-Oise, Vendee. 


believed that when the general peace with Europe was 
concluded and the chances of a religious civil war 
had disappeared the Catholics would once more be 
allowed to employ their bells. As for the Papist clergy 
who had not rallied to the Republic, their feeling 
towards the whole Revolution was one of irreconcilable 
anger and hatred. This hatred and anger, however, 
were not shared by the population, so that they became 
each day less formidable ; and moreover the grievance 
of the rebellious priest was political more than 
religious . 

Generally speaking, the system of separation had 
produced an extraordinary development of the religious 
life in France ; an unusual variety of religious groups ; 
never had there been so many altars raised in France 
as on the eve of the Concordat. 

As for the relations of the religious groups among 
themselves, the Catholics continued to give proof of 
their intolerance. But the shrewd firmness of the Con- 
sular Government did not allow them to attain to the 
tyrannical predominance to which they aspired, and 
so to stifle the other forms of worship. They had to 
confine themselves, in the employment of their legal 
liberty, to attacking the freethinkers rather than the 
other mystical cults. 

•• Free thought *• still nimibered a great number of 
adepts in cultivated society ; it was apparently in the 
ascendant in the Institute, especially in the depart- 
ment of the moral sciences ; but it was no Icmger 
the fashion. Militant rationalists, like Fourcroy, were 
pronouncing their mea culpa; and although this par- 
ticular scientist declared a preference for Protestantism 
it was none the less the Catholics who benefited by his 
defection. In literature, to glorify Catholicism was 
already a means of arriving at celebrity, as was 
demonstrated by the example of La Harpe and 
Fontanes. Chateaubriand, in March, 1801, published 


his Atala^ in which, against the background of a 
romantic adventure, he exalted the Gospels and the 
Catholic religion : he thus obtained a literary success 
the like of which had never been known in France 
since the day of Voltaire. Among the bourgeoisie 
RcHnan Catholicism gained ground, but not as an 
intolerant and exclusive religion. Neither Chateau- 
briand nor his admirers demanded that the altars of 
other gods should be overturned. It was only to the 
rebellious Papist priests that the continuation of the 
liberal system of separation seemed intolerable. 

Although Roman Catholicism was spreading, while 
the other cults remained as they were, or even de- 
clined, there was still a kind of equilibrium between 
the groups, and the consequent religious competition 
was carried on to the profit of the conscience and of 
the State. The independence of the State increased 
still further every day, as Roederer remarked. We 
have seen that the devotion of a portion of the Papist 
clergy to the cause of Louis XVIII was one of the 
reasons why Bonaparte decided to put an aid to the 
system of separation. Since the victory of Marengo, 
however, this devotion was scarcely dangerous, and 
those priests who were faithful to the King became 
every day more rare. It would be more correct to 
say that the rebellious royalism of a portion of the 
Papist clergy was useful rather than hurtful to the 
State, because that very royalism caused a schism in 
the most powerful of the religious groups, that one 
whose nimierical advantage was most dangerous to the 
independence of the State. 

As a matter of fact the French Revolution had 
victoriously, but not without trouble, achieved this 
result : that the most formidable of all the forces of 
the past against which it had to struggle, namely the 
Catholic Church, was now split up into three parts ; 
firstly, the ex-Constitutionals ; secondly, the recc«iciled 


Papists ; and thirdly, the royalist Papists, all of whom 
quarrelled among themselves ; while a large rational- 
istic sect, the Theophilanthropists, gave, by its per- 
sistence, an example of the organisation of free thought 
as a sect ; and the Hebrews, and more especially the 
Protestants, grown more numerous by means of terri- 
torial annexations, acted as a counterpoise. The altar 
of the country too, honoured each Dicadi^ still stood 
in the principal churches. Nowhere did the Catholic 
religion reign exclusively. Public instruction remained 
secular. The State was secular. The State was free, 
and its own master. 


Why then did Bonaparte abandon a system so favour- 
able to the State, advantages that his own policy had 
so ably confirmed, a condition of things so advantageous 
to France and to himself? iWhy did he restore the 
Church to its old preponderant situation? 

Was it because there was a movement of public 
opinion in favour of the Concordat? Quite on the 
OMitrary ; so unpopular was the Concordat of 1 5 1 6, 
indirectly broken by the Constituent Assembly in 1790, 
that in common prudence and as a matter of policy 
the convention which was eventually concluded with 
the Pope was not given the name of Concordat. Had 
there still been a free press we may be sure that 
there would have been a revulsion of feeling against 
the Concordat, we may almost say a unanimous revul- 
sion. Neither among those who surrounded Bonaparte, 
nor among his adversaries, nor among any party of 
the clergy, nor even at the Court of Rome (where 
no one could have imagined that the head of the French 
State would spontaneously renounice the advantages of 
separation) was there any demand for a Concordat. 

Was it that Bonaparte, by birth a Corsican and 


a Catholic, was impelled by pious motives to favour 
the Roman Church? There is no indication that he 
ever possessed the quality we call faith. Many of his 
actions testify to his indifference in religious matters. 
In Egypt he had honoured the Mohammedan religion 
as though himself a Mohammedan. Married by the 
civil process, he resigned himself to undergo the 
religious ceremony of marriage only upon the eve of 
his coronation, and then only because it was essential 
to his coronation. If he went to Mass he refused to 
communicate. Even upon the conclusion of the Con- 
cordat he thought a Te Deum sufficient. Roederer 
tells us that it took the combined efforts of Portalis 
and Cambac^r^s to persuade him to attend a Mass, 
and that then they could not persuade him to kiss the 
patena. He did not confess ; he did not conmiunicate ; 
not even (it appears) in the article of death ; and 
his will indicates merely that he died in the religion 
of his birth. 

Impenetrable to the religious spirit, incapable even 
of envisaging religion from the standpoint of the 
conscience, he said before Pelet (of Loz^re) : 

"As for me, I do not see in religion the mystery of the incarnation, 
but the mystery of the social order ; religion attributes to heaven an 
idea of equality, so that the rich shall not be massacred by the poor. 
Religion, again, is a kind of inoculation or vaccine, which, while 
satisfying our love of the marvellous, safeguards us against charlatans 
and sorcerers ; the priests are more valuable than the Cagliostros, the 
Kants, and all the dreamers of Germany." 

He said much the same to Roederer : 

" Society cannot exist without the inequality of fortunes, and in- 
equality of fortune cannot continue without religion. When one man 
is dying of hunger by the side of another who is overfed, it is impos- 
sible for him to submit to this difference unless there is an authority 
which says to him : ' God wills it thus : there must be rich and poor 
in the world ; but afterwards and for all eternity matters will be other- 
wise arranged.' " 


That Bonaparte^ after having presided over the 
system of separation with an admirable tact and 
success^ came finally to desire, and then to effect, re- 
union with Rome— in short, to conclude the Concordat 
— was no proof whatever of his piety ; it was all done 
with a view to swaying the nation's conscience through 
the Pope, in order to realise, through the Pope, his 
dreams of empire— of universal empire. He also fore- 
saw the accessory advantage of ridding himself of the 
former Constitutional Church, which had remained 
democratic on account of the electoral system which 
was its foundation, and of depriving Louis XVIII of 
his last means of influencing France, and of pacifying 
La Vendue definitely and finally. 


Perhaps it was with this design already formed, and 
with a view to negotiating a Concordat, that Bona- 
parte avoided all mention of religion in planning the 
Constitution of the year VIII. In any case, the project 
of a Concordat was one of the weapons of war and 
diplomacy which he took with him into Italy at the 
time of his second campaign. As early as the i6th 
of Prairial of the year VIII (June 5, 1800), he 
said to the cur^s of Milan : ** The French are of 
the same religion as you yourselves. To be sure we 
have had some disputes together ; but all that is being 
settled and is coming right." The victor of Marengo, 
he bad a Te Deum sung at Milan (on the 29th of 
Prairial) " in spite of what our Parisian atheists might 
say of it." Then, through Cardinal Martiniana, Bishop 
of Verceil, he made overtures to the Pope with a view 
to a Concordat. The Pope agreed immediately to enter 
upon negotiations, and sent Mgr. Spina, Archbishop 
of Corinth, together with a theologian. Father Caselli, 
to treat with Napoleon. 


Spina arrived in Paris on the 14th of Brumaire of 
the year IX (November 5, 1800), and the negotia- 
tions^ at first merely complimentary, commenced 
immediately. Talleyrand, the Minister for Foreign 
AfTairs, who was said to regard the proposal of a Con- 
cordat with little favour, held aloof, or was instructed 
to do so. Spina dealt principally with the Abb^ 
Bemier, a Venddean, who had more or less betrayed 
the royalists ; hardly a man to be esteemed, but 
extremely intelligent. On the 2nd of Messidor of the 
year IX (Jxme 21, 1801) the Cardinal Secretary of 
State replaced Spina, with full powers to conclude and 
sign. The convention was signed on the 26th of 
Messidor of the year IX (July 15, 1801). 

These long negotiations took place amid the absolute 
silence of the French Press, which had received orders 
to say nothing more of any religious matters ; but in 
the circles where some knowledge existed of what was 
going forward, there was a feeling which the Roman 
plenipotentiary, on the 2nd of July, described, when 
communicating with the Papal Court, in the following 
words : 

" The strife which has been stirred up to prevent this reunion with 
Rome is incredible. All the legislative bodies, all the philosophers, all 
the Libertines, and a great portion of the Army are greatly set against 
it. They have said to the First Consul's face that if he wished to 
destroy the Republic and bring back the monarchy he could find no 
surer means than this reunion." 

It is probable that the Abbd Bemier, in his conversa- 
tions with Spina and Consalvi, had exaggerated the 
boldness and the unanimity of the opposition to the Con- 
cordat, in order to impress the Pope ; but the opposition 
was real, and it certainly seems that until the end it 
was general. 

That the negotiations were thus delayed was not 
because there had been, even at the outset, any lack 


of agreement as to the essential pointy indiich was that 
the bishops, appointed by the First Consul, should be 
installed by the Pope, thus terminating the schism of 
the " Constitutionalists/* The fact was that at the 
outset the Pope was not, as a temporal sovereign, at 
Bonaparte's mercy, and he hesitated to abandon either 
the bishops who had remained faithful to him or that 
Louis XVIII whom he had so recently recognised as 
King of France. He hesitated all the more because 
he was by no means absolutely certain that the First 
Consul would finally prevail against the coalition. 
Moreau's victory at Hohenlinden (on the 12th of 
Frimaire of the year IX) ; the flight of Louis XVIII, 
expelled from Russia (on the 3rd of PluviSse) ; the 
peace with Austria, concluded at Lun^ville (on the 
20th of PluviSse), and the peace with Naples (con- 
cluded on the 7th of Oerminal) ; these were the facts 
that confirmed the hesitating Pope, while Bonaparte's 
demands increased simultaneously. 

At the outset Bonaparte had offered to proclaim the 
Roman Catholic religion as the State religion. After 
the victory of Hohenlinden he withdrew this offer, and 
imposed the arrangement which was adopted : namely, 
that the French Government should recognise " that 
the Catholic, Apostolic and Roman religion was the 
religion of the great majority of French citizens." As 
long as he was at war with the King of the Two 
Sicilies he showed patience in his negotiations ; once 
he had concluded peace with that sovereign he sent 
the Pope a churlish ultimatum, which led to the 
despatch of Consalvi to Paris, and the conclusion of 
the Concordat. 

We need not here follow the vicissitudes of the 
negotiations, all the details of which may be found 
in the excellent compilation made by M. Boulay (of 
Meurthe), and I will not here reproduce the text of 
the "convention between the French Government and 


His Holiness Pius VH/' which is well known and obtain- 
able anywhere. I will only point out how the Con- 
cordat modified the politico -religious situation in 

The principle of the secular State— or the inde- 
pendent State^ as it was then called — was not entirely 
abolished^ as Catholicism was not proclaimed as the 
State religion. But in recognising that it was the 
religion of the great majority of the French, longe 
maxima pars civium ; in permitting the Pope to *' recog- 
nise " that the Consuls of the Republic made an *• in- 
dividual profession " of the Catholic religion ; in 
agreeing that should any one of the successors of the 
present First Consul not be a Catholic a treaty would 
be drawn up which would regulate the method of 
appointing the bishops ; — in all this the French Govern- 
ment was establishing the Roman Church in France 
on a basis of moral preponderance, and destroying, in 
its interest, the religious equilibrium which the system 
of separation had established between the religious 

For the rest, this system of separation was abolished 
by Articles 2, 3, and 5 of the convention, in which it 
was agreed that the Pope and the French Government 
should make in concert a new circumscription of the 
dioceses ; that the Pope should demand or impose 
the dismissal of all the present titulars of episcopal 
or archiepiscopal sees ; that the First Consul should 
appoint the titulars of the sees of the new circum- 
scription ; that the Pope should confer the canonical 
institution upon the said titulars according to the forms 
established with regard to France before the change 
of government, and that he would do the same when 
a see should become vacant. The bishops would 
appoint the cur^s, but their choice might fall only 
upon persons approved by the Government (Article i o) . 
The idea of the old Gallican system, that ministers 
VOL. rv. 14 


of the faith were at the same time State fmictionaries, 
was restored by Articles 6 and 7, which exacted from 
the bishops and cur£s this oath (very nearly the same 
as that which had formerly been required of kings)' : 

'' I swear and promise to God, upon the Holy Evangelists, to main- 
tain obedience and fidelity to the Government established by the 
Constitution of the French Republic. I also promise to hold no 
intercourse, to assist at no council, to support or communicate with 
no league, whether at home or abroad, which might be inimical to 
the public tranquility ; and if, whether in my diocese or elsewhere, 
I learn that anything whatsoever is being contrived to the prejudice 
of the State, I will inform the Government thereof." 

In return, the Government undertook to assure the 
bishops and cur^s of a " suitable stipend." 

Thus was established, and even aggravated, the old 
confusion between Church and State. 

In order to ensure that the nation should accept 
such a reaction, it was disguised, as it were, with 
advantages, direct or indirect, which appeared in some 
respects to iconfirm certain results of the French Revolu- 
tion to which the men of that time attached the greatest 
importance. Firstly, by the very fact that the Pope 
was concluding a Concordat with the French 
Republic he recognised the Republic and abandoned 
Louis XVIII, whose alliance with the Pope appeared 
then to be his only chance of success. Secondly, the 
royalist bishops, who, imigris or at home, made waf 
upon the Revolution in their old diocesan districts, 
were to be got rid of. Thirdly, the possessors of 
national property originally Church property were re- 
assured by Article 3, which enacted that neither the 
present Pope nor his successors *' should in any manner 
disturb the punchasers of alienated ecclesiastical pro- 
perty, and that in consequence the possession of such 
property, the rights and revenues attached, would remain 
incommutably in their hands or in those of their 


However, these concessions on the part of the Vatican 
merely ratified a state of things which the military 
victories of the Republic had already assured. These 
were illusory advantages for the French, or at most 
they were gratifications of the imagination. The Roman 
Church, on the other hand, by the destruction of the 
politico-religious system established by the Revolution, 
by the termination of the schism which had so greatly 
disturbed it, and by the Papal right of investing the 
bishops, obtained advantages as real as they were un- 
hoped for. On July 27, 1801, Consalvi wrote from 
Paris to the Vatican : '* All the ministers of the foreign 
powers were present, as well as all the rich and learned ; 
regarding the conclusion of the Concordat as a true 
miracle, particularly in that it had been possible to 
conclude it far more advantageously than had appeared 
possible in the present state of things. I myself, who 
saw it concluded, could hardly believe it.** The Pope's 
delight was no less than Consalvi's. While at Rome 
the cardinals were examining the convention, the Pope, 
according to the French minister, Cacault, " was in the 
state of agitation, anxiety, and desire of a young bride 
who hardly dares to rejoice on the great day of her 
espousal." > 


The ratifications were exchang^ed on the 23rd of 
Fruciidor of the year IX (September 10, 1801). But 
the Concordat was not published until seven months 
later. These seven months were employed in making 
the convention applicable by dismissing the old bishops 
and nominating the new, by the vote of approbation 
of the Tribunate and the Legislative Corps, and by 
the drawing-up of police regulations or articles of 

' Boulay, iii. 339. 


Bonaparte had submitted to the Pope the outline 
of a proposed Bull of Circumscription of the new 
dioceses, to the ntunber of sixty. But it was first of 
all necessary to obtain the resignation of the existing 
bishops to make a tabula rasa. This, on the side of 
the ex -Const itutionalsy was not difficult. At the news 
of the conclusion of the Concordat they had decided 
to resign as a body, and to this resolution they adhered ; 
it was evidently one of the conditions of the promise 
given by the First Consul to appoint some of them to 
the new sees. The " Constitutional Church " thus com- 
pletely disappeared, none of its ministers refusing to 
enter the Church of the Concordat, so that no trace of 
the schism was left. 

It was otherwise with the ci-devant refractory 
bishops, all of whom did not obey the brief in which 
the Pope (on August 15, 1801) required their resigna- 
tion. The fifteen who were then in France resigned, 
so did the five who were living in Italy (one of whom, 
the Bishop of B6ziers, sent his resignation to Louis 
XVIII). Fourteen of the bishops who had taken refuge 
in London refused to resign. Altogether, according to 
Abb^ de Boulogne, out of a total of 81 bishops 45 
resigned, and 36 refused to resign, publishing protests 
which they renewed in 1806. Nearly all died still in 
a rebellious attitude ; the last survivor, M. de Thy- 
mines, Bishop of Blois, claimed in 1828 to be Bishop 
of All France. The reasons they alleged, although they 
had nearly all been ultramontanes, was respect for 
the Gallican liberties. In reality their motives were 
fidelity to Louis XVIII ; that is to say, it was rather as 
gentlemen than as priests that these neophytes of Galli- 
canism revolted against the Pope, and spoke of him, in 
their statements of refusal or defence, as a heretic, a 
Jew, a pagan, and a publican. This schism, at first 
called Blanchardism^ after an Abb6 Blanchard who 
wrote copiously against the Concordat, attracted so 


few disciples that it was known as the little Churchy 
and the Roman Church was not appreciably weakened 
by it. 

The slate having been cleaned^ it remained to fill 
the new sees. Bonaparte had promised to appoint a 
number of Constitutionals. This was the condition of 
suicide which the Constitutional Church had demanded. 
He had no love for these republicans : he would willingly 
have sacrificed them.> But the Legislative Corps had 
selected Gr^goire, the true chief of the Constitutional 
Church, as candidate for a vacant place in the Senate 
(on the 22nd of VentSse of the year IX), and the Senate 
ratified their choice (on the isth of Frimaire of the 
year X). Bonaparte understood this warning and nomi- 
nated eleven Constitutional bishops .* The Papal Legate 
wished to force them to recant ; they refused to do 
so. Finally Abb^ Bemier took it upon him to state 
that they had recanted through him and secretly. When 
they received the news of this false testimony they 
protested against the fraud,3 and the Pope had to 
content himself with the letter which they had written 
him at the time of their nomination, in which they 
informed him that they renounced the Civil Constitution 
and adhered to the Concordat. 

' Despite the places they obtained, the Constitutionals did actually 
find that they were sacrificed. In Gr6goire's manuscript notes, from 
which M. Gazier has kindly given me extracts, I find the following : 
"Constitutionals sacrificed by Bonaparte in Concordat, sacrificed ifuia 
reputed republicans, quia they fear them litUe, knowing that they have 

' He nominated only ten at first He decided, shortly afterwards, 
to nominate two more« Altogether, among the 60 archbishops and 
bishops as first appointed, there were sixteen members of the old 
episcopate ; twelve Constitutional bishops and thirty-two various 
ecclesiastics, of whom about two-thirds were vicars, canons, &c. 
(M. Boulay, of Meurthe, vol. v. p. 464). 

s It was Lacombe, Bishop of Angouleme, who protested in their 
name in a public letter dated June 4, 1802, published in the Annates dc 
la Religion, xv. 134. 


Now that the bishops were nominated it was time 
to transform the Concordat into the law of the State. 
For this was necessary the co-operation and the vote 
of the Council of State^ the Tribunate, and the Legis- 
lative Corps ; a co-operation which must have seemed 
far from being certain^ to judge by the discontent 
which prevailed even in Bonaparte's immediate entour- 
age. Five days after the conclusion of the Concordat, 
on the 1st of Thermidor of the year IX, Fouch6 had 
ventured to despatch to the prefects a circular ifi^ich 
was an imdisguised satire on the religious policy of the 
First Consul. In it he angrily denounoed all Roman 
Catholic priests. Had they refused the promise of 
fidelity? Their case was clear : banish them* I Had 
they taken it? Then they were hypocrites I Their 
conduct, said the Minister, was an endless perjury : 

"They have sown dissension among the citizens and hatred in 
families ; awakened party quarrels, disturbed men's consciences ; 
made fanatics of ardent spirits, and abused the credulity of the weak ; 
lastly they have revived, in the century of enlightenment and liberty, 
all the atKsurdities and all the scandals of the centuries of ignorance 
and superstition." 

The Minister ordered the prefects : i, To expel 
from France such priests as had not given the promise ; 
2^ to expel from the communes ** those whOj having 
taken it, disturb the peace " ; 3, to reserve the churches 
for the priests who were officiating in them before 
the 1 8th of Brumaire; that is, almost entirely for the 
ex -Constitutionals. The First Consul, if we can 
believe it, only knew of this circular through the 
journals. He wrote to Fouch^ on the 21st of 
Thermidor^ censuring him and ordering him to revoke 
the circular, which the latter did on the 23rd ; but he 
dared not as yet dispense with the services of this 
Minister who had dared so plainly to thwart his policy. 
(Or perhaps the whole affair was only a Comedy 


arranged between the master and the servant, in order 
to make the Catholics more grateful to Bonaparte.) 

Bonaparte decided to read the Concordat before the 
Council of State ; the Council received his reading of 
it with significant coldness, and with several outbursts 
of laughter at certain mystical expressions. On the 
12th of Germinal of the year X it adopted the various 
acts submitted to it without discussion. However, the 
Tribunate and the Legislative Corps had been expur- 
gated, so that a favourable vote was obtained : 78 
votes against 7 in the Tribimate ; in the Legislative 
Corps, 228 against 21 (on the 17th and i8th of Ger- 
minal). Nevertheless, the expurgation had not been 
sufficient to render these two bodies invariably servile. 
If they accepted the Concordat with such a majority, 
it was because they passed certain acts at the same 
time which seemed to modify its anti-revolutionary 
character. Textually, what was voted reads as follows : 

"The Convention exchanged in Paris, the 26th of Messidor^ year IX, 
between the Pope and the French Government, the ratifications of 
which were exchanged in Paris on the 33rd of Fructidar, year IX, to- 
gether with the organic articles of the said Convention, and those of 
the Protestant cults, of which the gist follows, will be promulgated and 
executed as laws of the Republic" 

In this suppression of the rival cults of Roman 
Catholicism the liberals of the Tribunate and the 
Legislative Corps were thankful to see the two Protes- 
tant Churches of France maintained : the Reformed 
Church and the Church of the Confession of Augs- 
burg. The ministers of these churches were sjalaried, 
as were the Catholic priests, and they were given a 
promise that they should be allowed to form the elected 
assemblies to which they aspired according to their 
historical traditions. In reality the Protestant Churches 
were put in leading-strings, and by no means counter- 
balanced the predominance, always increasing, of 


Catholicism. Only too happy in being allowed to exists 
they undertook no propaganda^ and did not increase the 
numbers of their followers^ leaving the field entirely 
free for the Catholic propaganda. 

There was no Jewish question at this time ; it was 
under the Empire that the Hebrew cult was regulated 
by the State (by the decree of March 17, 1808). 

As for the " organic articles of the convention of 
the 26th of Messidor of the year IX," they seemed, to 
the men of those days, to oppose a solid barrier to the 
pretensions of Roman Catholicism. These were the 
*' police regulations " referred to in Article i of the 
Concordat. It has been said that the Pope did not 
ratify them. He did not have to ratify them ; they 
formed not a treaty, but a State law. These articles 
had been published as if they formed one text with 
the convention ; it was this method of publication 
that the Pope disowned. He also complained, but 
without vehemence, of the severity of the " police regu- 
lations ** ; he demanded and obtained certain modifica- 
tions of detail, and finally resigned himself. 

These regulations were in 77 articles which followed 
on without logical order, without visible plan, as though 
at random. But they all emanated from an ancient, 
royalist doctrine : Gallicanism, the form of which 
Portalis, the Councillor of State entrusted with religious 
affairs, restored in various reports ; but especially in 
the report of the fifth complementary day of the year XI 
(September 22, 1803)." 

Gallicanism was mainly " the independence of the 
Government in temporal things and the limitation of 
ecclesiastical authority to matters purely spiritual." 
Under the ancien rigime the Pope and the King had 

' He indicated the oatline of a reply to the representations just 
made by the Papal Legate on the subject of the " organic articles." 
This report will be found in the Droit civil euUsiastique of Champeaux 
(Paris, 1848), vol. ii. p. 184. 


finally agreed that the temporal power should be inde- 
pendent of the spiritual power, but had not agreed 
upon any rules distinguishing the temporal from the 
spiritual. The King combined spiritual power with his 
temporal power ; the Pope combined temporal power 
with his spiritual power. 

These are the terms in which the legislators of the 
new Cssar contested a portion of the Pope's spiritual 
domain : *' The idea of regarding as spiritual all 
matters that refer in any way to sin and morality would 
become a principle of universal absorption which would 
have the effect of referring everything to the Church, 
since morality is all-embracing " ; Portalis even refused 
to leave the Church in possession of the whole domain 
of conscience : ** The law, which is itself the public 
conscience, has the power of binding the citizens by 
the intimate bonds of conscience." The State would 
abandon to the Church only that region of the conscience 
in which resides the belief in dogmas which are purely 
dogmatic, and mysteries purely mystical : the divinity 
of Jesus Christ, the Trinity, transubstantiation, &c. 
These mysteries, says Portalis, occupy the void left 
by. reason •* which the imagination would incontestably 
fill less beneficially." In other words, a Frenchman 
who dreams of the beyond^ of the future life, does 
not think of politics ; he becomes a docile subject. 
The State therefore renounces that portion of the mind 
which is infected by mysticism, as the sick portion ; 
it keeps to itself the sane and healthy portion, and 
absorbs it — its temporal power. 

Between the spiritual power thus reduced and the 
temporal power thus enlarged, there is still a region 
of matters undefined ; an indefinite territory. Here the 
State would rule, because it is more ancient than the 
Church, for the Church is in the State. 

These mixed matters the State would undertake. 

As for the things spiritual which have been reduced 


to dogma alone : does the State entirely ignore them? 
No : the prince^ the head of the State^ the Protector of 
the Faith, has agreed to protect it only as it is. He 
can and should see that these spiritual matters remain 
unchanged. He is acquainted with spiritual matters, 
not only because he nominates the bishops, but be- 
cause he examines into their orthodoxy to see if it is 
irreproachable. He sees that the catechism is taught. 
He is concerned, in fact, with all religion, with ail 
dogma, and with all discipline. 

Thus Gallicanism is not a liberal doctrine, tending 
to establish a neutral and secular State. On the con- 
trary : Gallicanism tries to include in the province of 
the State as much of the province of conscience as is 
possible ; to make the chief of the State a kind of 
Pope, a rival of the true Pope. 

Pius VII was not blinded by this Gallicanism. He 
was well acquainted with the royal doctrine. The 
Papacy had fought against it for centuries, and had 
survived it. But the State was now for the first time 
attempting to apply the principles of Gallicanism all 
at once, by means of a single police regulation. The 
Church, however, which had suffered so many ills with- 
out perishing, could suffer this also, which perhaps 
would last only as long as the life of Bonaparte ; it 
could endure a temporary evil compensated by so many 
lasting benefits. 

Let us now c<Hisider how Gallicanism' was put into 
operation by the '* organic articles.'* 

Generally speaking, the subordination of the Church 
to the State was, if not established therein, yet at least 
formulated by the clauses prohibiting the introduction 
into France, without permission of the French Govern- 
ment, of any act of the Court of Rome or of its general 
councils ; or by those which referred to the Council of 
State, in case of abuses, the actions of the priests. 

The encroachments of the State upon the spiritual 


domain were marked by the articles according to which 
the Government commissioned those who were to 
examine the candidates for the episcopate on matters of 
doctrine, forced the clergy to teach the declaration of 
1682, to use only one liturgy and one catechism, and 
saw that each bishop visited the whole of his diocese in 
the space of five years . Concerning the appointment of 
cur^s, the obligation laid on the bishops by the Con- 
cordat to choose only persons '* approved by the 
Government " was thus defined in the organic articles : 
" The bishops will appoint and ordain the cur6s ; 
nevertheless they will effect neither the nomination 
nor the canonical investment until the nomination has 
been approved by the First Consul." 

The police regulations relative to public worship 
were thus composed : there could be no out-of-door 
ceremonies in towns where there were temples of any 
other cults ; neither chapels nor oratories might be 
opened without the permission of the Government ; the 
ministers of religion, once outside the temples, must 
wear the ordinary French fashion of dress, in black ; 
they must not speak of politics in the pulpit, nor 
attack any other cult.' 

The lay character of the civil State was maintained. 
It was forbidden to the clergy to give the nuptial 
benediction to persons not married before the mayor. 

This obligation must have been painful to the Church. 
It was atoned for in the Church's eyes by a concession 
of which the Concordat had said nothing ; the sup- 
pression of the decadal cult, which, enfeebled as it 
had grown, still disturbed the Church by its persistence. 
The suppression was formulated in phrases which 

' The prohibition of the use of bells, so mnch complained of by the 
Catholics, was revoked in these terms (Article 48) : " The bishop will 
confer with the prefect as to the manner of sommoning the faithful 
to divine service by means of bells ; they may not be sounded for any 
other reason without the permission of the local police/' 


accorded to the Catholic religion one of the charac- 
teristics of a State religion, since in Article 57 the 
Christian Sunday was fixed as the day of rest for 
public functionaries. The republican calendar was only 
partly maintained in the case of the clergy ; the latter 
were expected to make use of it, but had the option 
of calling the days by the names they bore in the old 

Thus the organic articles were not designed merely 
to preserve the rights and the character of the secular 
State as organised by the Revolution. On the con- 
trary, they effaced some of these rights and a part of 
this character. The Church rejoiced therefore ; but 
the professicmal defenders of the State were unable to 
perceive the damage suffered by the State, or rather, 
returning to the Gallican ideas in which they had been 
brought up, they actually believed that the State would 
gain by resuming the semi-secular, semi-clerical char- 
acter which it possessed before the Revolution ; and 
that so constituted it would be the stronger and better 
able to ensure its predominance over the Church ; a 
predominance which the organic articles had intended 
to establish by means of the Gallican system. This 
is the reason why the higher officials, at first hostile 
to the Concordat, finally resigned themselves to it as a 
means of the better control of the Roman Church. 

There was practically no further opposition to the 
Concordat except in the Army, which had so often 
had to fight, during the civil wars, against the Roman 
Catholic priests who had turned against their country. 
The generals attended the ceremony at Notre Dame 
(on the 28th of Germinal of the year X), when the 
promulgation of the Concordat was celebrated, with 
a very ill grace. Thibaudeau states that when the 
First Consul asked General Delmas, " What do you 
think of the ceremony? " the latter replied : "A pretty 
sermon ! It only wants the million men who were 
killed in destroying what you are re-establishing." 


"It was rumoured," says Thibaudeau, moreover, "that the First 
Consul had decided that the colours of the troops should be blessed, 
and that he dared not carry out the programme, because the soldiers 
declared roundly that they would trample them underfoot. A cari- 
cature was circulated secretly which represented the First Consul 
drowning in a font, while the bishops were pushing him to the bottom 
with their croziers." 


It was from April i8, 1802, that the Concordat was 
put into operation. To give the history of its applica- 
tion does not enter into the scheme of thisi book^ as 
the chief events in its history occurred under the 
Empire. But it is well to remark here that in the 
histories of this application of the Concordat a powerful 
light has been thrown on the brutality of Napoleon 
Bonaparte in his quarrel with thei Church ; the Pope 
carried off, incarcerated, treated with violence ; priests 
imprisoned or deported ; seminaries handled like 50 
many regiments ; missions to the interior prohibited ; 
and the regulation of indulgences and prayers by the 

How did these measures weigh against the advan- 
tages, material as well as moral, which were granted 
the Church in addition to those accorded by the Con- 
cordat ? 

The Concordat had only promised, and the organic 
articles only granted, salaries at the rate of 15,000 
francs for archbishops, 10,000 francs for bishops, and 
1,000 to 1,500 francs for cur^s. According to the 
Concordat there were to be cur^s only in the chief 
towns of cantons. The organic articles established 
chapels of ease in the other communes, with cur^s 
appointed and recalled by the bishops. These cur& 
had to be chosen from among the ecclesiastics 
who, as ex -possessors of suppressed benefices, and 
in virtue of the decrees of the Constituent Assembly, 


were in receipt of a pension (the maximtiin of 
which had been reduced to 1,000 livres by the Con- 
vention). This pension, together with the offerings of 
the congregation, would form the salary of the com- 
munal priests. It was paid only to priests who had 
taken the various oaths. Bonaparte (by order of the 
3rd of Prairiat of the year X) granted it to all, pro- 
vided they had accepted the Ccxicordat. Without this 
order the great majority of the lower clergy would 
have been unpaid ; and this was the greatest benefit 
received by the Church next to the Concordat. As 
for many this was a somewhat insufficient salary, an 
order of the 1 8th of Qerminat of the year XI authorised 
the Councils General and the municipalities to vote a 
supplementary salary for deserving cases. These 
assemblies having taken little note of this order, the 
Emperor, on the nth of Prairiat of the year XII, as a 
gift of good omen, granted each assistant cur^ (besides 
his lodging, which was at the cost of the commune) a 
pension of 500 francs payable out of the State budget ; 
and a decree passed on September 30, 1807, increased 
the number of assistants to 30,000. Pensions were 
also granted to canons, vicars -general, cardinals, 
and bishops who had resigned on the conclusion of the 
Concordat. Finally all these pensions and salaries were 
declared imseizable. 

The first year the system was applied the expenses 
of the cults figured in the budget as 1,200,000 francs 
only. We have not the figures of the pensions then 
paid to ex -beneficiaries. However, as they were paid 
only to those who had taken the oaths it is not 
probable that this expense was very great, nor that 
the total expenditure for religious purposes exceeded 
five millions. 

In 1807 religion trost the budget as much as 
17 millions, and about 23 millions were paid in 
pensions, making a total of 40 millions for all ecclesias- 


tical expenses. Thus the Catholic Church received 
annually from the State about 35 millions more than 
was due to it according to the Concordat and the exist- 
ing laws. In addition^ various measures restored to 
the Church a portion of such of its properties as had 
not been alienated. Thanks to this spontaneous 
liberality it was able so to reorganise itself as to become, 
imder a new aspect, almost as powerful as under the 
ancien rigime. 

As for the moral and material advantages which 
the Concordat did not promise, but which the Church 
actually, received, we must reckon first in importance 
the suppression of the ex-Constitutional schism, the 
abolition of !the rationalistic cults, Theophilanthropy, 
the decadal ceremonies, &c., and also, as the indirect 
result of these measures, the fact that a second Con- 
cordat concluded by Bonaparte in 1803 in the name 
of the Italian Republic specified that in this Republic 
Roman Catholicism should be the State religion : 
greatly to the displeasure of the liberals of Milan. 

One of the classes of the national Institute, that 
of " moral and political sciences,** had brought to- 
gether the most influential freethinkers of the day : 
Volney, Garat, Ginguen^, Cabanis, Mercier, Lakanal, 
and Naigeon — those ** ideologues " « who had always 
been hostile to the Catholic Church and who became 
hostile to Bonaparte's ambition. By an order of the 
3rd of Plavidse of the year XI (January 23, 1803), this 
class was suppressed, and its members were distri- 
buted among the other classes, so as to break up the 

The Papal negotiator had not dared to demand the 

' All those who made a reasoned opposition to him Bonaparte called 
idiohgues. The word had been brought into use by one of the 
associates of the class of moral and political sciences, Destutt de IVacy, 
who, in the year IX, published a Prajei dilhnents ditUologie i Fusage 
des icoles centrales. 


suppression of the academic work of the Revolution, 
although this secularisation of education, the basis of 
which was a rational morale^ was one of the chief 
grievances of the Church. Even the law of the nth 
of Florial of the year X had implicitly approved this 
process of secularisation. As Emperor, Napoleon 
saw it as a Republican principle, and abolished it 
(on March 17, 1808) by establishing "the principles 
of the Catholic religion " ' as the first basis of educa- 
tion in the Imperial University. Free thought was 
severely excluded ; every pupil had to be a Christian 
or a Jew. The bishops inspected the education in 
the public schools (tycifes). 

Certainly the State assumed the monopoly of educa- 
tion, and educated by means of a secular corporation. 
But neither this monopoly nor this secularisation was 
actually applied to primary instruction, which was given 
almost entirely by the brothers of the Christian 
colleges .a These latter had reappeared as early as 
1802. The decree of March 17, 1808, legalised their 
existence, placed them under the (illusory) supervision 
of the University, and exempted them from military 

If Bonaparte was merciless with those priests who 
thwarted or opposed his policies, he favoured the others, 
revoked his own laws in their favour or allowed them 
to be isolated, and spontaneously took measures which 
continually gave Catholicism more and more the char- 
acter of a State religion .3 I am' not speaking of the 

« The Council of State wrote "the Christian religion," It was 
Napoleon himself, according to Pelet, who substituted the word 
Catholic for Christian, 

» The law of the nth of Florial of the year X had already dis- 
organised the system of primary secular instruction, by depriving 
it of its character of State education and allowing its organisation, 
development, and teaching 9taff to depend upon the whim of the 
mayors and municipal councils. 

3 Among these measures we may recall, besides that of the anoint- 


exemption from military service, as that was common 
to the ministers of all religions. I refer to the privi- 
leges peculiar to the Catholic religion, as that resulting 
from a personal decision of the First Consul's, by which 
(on the 23rd of Fractidor of the year X) he approved 
of ,the order of the mayors that the citizens should 
decorate the fronts of their houses upon the passage of 
the procession of Corpus Christi ; or the prohibition of 
the marriage of priests, ordained by ministerial cir- 
culars (on January 12, 1806, and January 30, 1807)^ 
in violation of the civil code. 

Another favour granted the Church was the suppres- 
sion of the republican calendar by the senatas consultus 
of the 22nd of Fractidor of the year XIII, and the 
re-establbhment of the Gregorian calendar from 
January i, 1806. 

Finally, the Roman Church had also the First 
Consul and the Emperor to thank for the re- 
establishment, whether official or by toleration, of 
a large number of religious communities and fra- 
ternities. The decree of January 2, 181 2, abolished 
these only in a portion of France, in the " imited " 

Such were the principal favours, unforeseen by the 
Concordat, which the Catholic Church received from 
Napoleon Bonaparte : favours of which we may say 
that the Most Christian King could not have done more. 
The Church was grateful. At the end of the second 
Empire a monarchist author, M. d'Haussonville,i having 

ing of Napoleon, the provisions of the senatus consultus (of the 28th of 
Florial of the year XII) by which Napoleon was declared " Emperor 
by the grace of God " and had to take the oath on the New Testament. 
' See the studies by M. d'Haussonville on the Roman Catholic 
Church and the first Empire in the Revue des Deux Mondes (from 1865 
to 1869), published in book form in 1868-1870 (5 vols.). A work by 
Father Theiner, prefect of the Archives of the Vatican, the HisUnre 
des deux Concordats de la Rlpuhlique franfaise et de la Ripublique 

VOL, rv. 15 


maintained that the Catholics owed Napoleon nothing, 
the Court of the Vatican immediately protested against 
this statement, and, by the pen of the prefect of the 
Archives of the Vatican, expressed in terms almost 
lyrical its gratitude towards the author of the Con- 
cordat, enxunerating the benefits received from him. 

Such was the religious policy of Bonaparte. It was 
thus that, after having himself applied the system of 
separation of Church and State with as much success 
as ability, he then disorganised that system by means 
of the Concordat, the organic articles, and a host of 
other measures ; and gradually restored the Catholic 
and Apostolic Church of Rome to its old situation as 
State Church ; not in name only, but in fact. Depriving 
the State of its secular character, confounding Church 
and State in the manner of the ancien regime, restoring 
Gallicanism, to the profit of his policy, his object was 
certainly not to subject the State to the Church, but 
to make the Church an instrument of his imperial am- 
bition, and, as I have said, to govern men*s consciences 
through the Pope. This attempt miscarried, in the 
sense that Napoleon's throne quickly crumbled beneath 
him. It was the Catholic Church that was finally vic- 
torious, for the State ceased for a long time to be 
secular, and the Church maintained, and still maintains 
in France, nearly all the privileges she had obtained. 
Even if these privileges had been lost the Church would 
nevertheless have retained the formidable numerical pre- 
ponderance which she gained through the suppression 
of schisms and the abolition of the rationalistic cults, 
and the state of tutelage into which the Jews and 
Protestants had fallen ; and if the system* of separation 
had been re-established there would no longer have 
been the competition of the other religious bodies by 
which the secular State had profited from 1705 to 

cisalpine, was printed at Bar-le-Duc in 1869 (2 vols.), but the cover is 
dated 1875. 


1 802 ; there would have been no serious resistance to 
the power of the Catholics, which to-day is only held in 
check by means of secular primary instruction, and 
the progressive decay of religious feeling among the 
rural masses of the French population. 

Taking the whole work of destruction and reaction 
which Bonaparte more or less consciously accomplished, 
it is the Concordat which stands out as the essential 
coimter-revolutionary measure, both in its conse- 
quences and the mantter. of its application. 



I. The plebiscite of the year X. — 11. The organic Smatus consuUus 
of the i6th of Thermidor of the year X (August 4, 1802). — 
III. Return to monarchical forms. — IV. The Republican opposi- 
tion. Military conspiracies. Bonapartism among the working- 
classes. — ^V. Royalism. — ^VI. Conspirades, actual and pretended : 
Cadoudal, Pichegru, and Moreau. The Due d'Enghien.— VII. The 
establishment of the Empire.— VIII. The organic Senatus am- 
status of the 28th of Fhtial of the year XII (May 18, 1804).— 
IX. Disappearance of the Republic. — X* General remarks on 
the French Revolution. 


The conclusion of the Concordat, the Peace of Amiens, 
the brilliant success of military and diplomatic affairs, 
— a host of events, some fortunate and others presented 
as being so, and attributed by all to Bonaparte— pre- 
pared the public mind for illiberal changes in a con- 
stitution already so far from liberal, but which at 
all events limited the power of the First Consul 
to a period of ten years ; and it was already easy 
for those surrounding him to see that if these changes 
were not granted him he was capable of obtaining 
them by force. 

The Second Consul, Cambacdr^s, on the occasion of 
the Peace of Amiens, suggested to the Tribunate that 
it would be only proper to grant Bonaparte a national 
reward. The Tribunate expressed the wish (on the 


1 6th of Florial of the year X) that he should be given 
" an emphatic proof of national gratitude/* but the 
deputation which acquainted the First Consul of this 
desire informed him that it was a matter of a purely 
honorific recompense. The title of Pacificator or Father 
of the People did not recommend itself to Bonaparte's 
ambition. He turned to the Senate, to whom the wish 
of the Tribunate had been communicated, and the 
senators were individually solicited to decree a life- 

They had the courage to refuse, and on the i8th of 
Florial decided to limit their action to re-electing Bona- 
parte to the First Consulship in advance for another 
space of ten years. Let it be noted in passing that this 
action of the Senate was an act of opposition, or rather 
of independence, which was as obvious as it was de- 
liberate. The prods-verbal of the session gives proof 
of this . 

''One member/' it says, "in view of the report (concerning the 
matter of showing our gratitude) and of the great things which are 
still expected of the Government, finds the term of ten years recom- 
mended by the Commission insufficient. He proposes re-election 
for life, as more consistent with the public interest, and more worthy 
of the First Consul and of the Senate. Several others spoke in the 
same sense. Others, for various reasons, approved of the proposal of 
the Commission. The reporter,' in the name of the Commission, 
stated that it had privately discussed the matter of re-election for life, 
but that, after having weighed the advantages of the proposal, it decided 
that the initiative in the matter should come from the Senate assembled 
in general conclave. The senatus amsultus agreed to give the proposal 
priority. A second reading followed, after which the assembly 
balloted on the question of its adoption." * 

' Lac^pidedrew up the report in the name of the special Commission 
instructed to look into the proposal of the Tribunate. 

' The Register of the deliberations of the Conservative Senate. 
We understand to-day why the froch-verbaux of the Senate were not 
printed, as were those of the Tribunate and the Legislative Corps : 
they were too interesting. 



It is therefore absolutely certain that the proposal to 
elect Bonaparte for life was moved and rejected in the 

Bonaparte concealed his irritation, and wrote to the 
Senate (on the 19th of Florial) that he was about to 
consult the people as to whether he should accept the 
" sacrifice *' which was required of him, and prolong his 
term of office. He then left for Malmaison, in order to 
leave the field free to Cambac^r^s, whose zeal in thb 
cause was both plucky and ingenious. 

Cambac^r&s convoked the Council of State (on the 
20th of Florial) to deliberate on the First Consul's 
letter and the question of consulting the people and on 
what they should be consulted. Bigot de Pr^ameneu 
proposed '* not to confine the expression of the public 
will within the limits of the Senate.'* Roederer declared 
that in the very interests of the governmental 
" stability " which the Senate had expressed its desire 
to ensure it was necessary to submit to the people 
the double question — should the First Consul be named 
for life, and should he have the right to appoint his 
successor? The idea of passing a law formulating the 
nature of the plebiscite was rejected, and the Council 
of State, despite the opposition of the minority, adopted 
Roederer 's project.* 

Upon his return Bonaparte feigned vexation ; scolded 
Roederer, from whom he received a letter of apology, 
spoke of annulling the order, and finished by accept- 
ance : erasing, however, the article concerning the 
right of appointing his successor. The Consuls (on 

' Thibaudeau states that Lespinasse proposed the appointment 
for life in the Senate. Among those who disapproved were Garat 
and Lanjninais. 

* See Thibaudeau (Mimaires) and Roederer {(Euvres) for details of 
this session of the Council. We are not told by what majority the first 
question was voted; but it appears that the second (the right of 
appointing his successor) had five councillors against it, who abstained 
from voting : B^enger, Berlier, DessoUe, Enmiery, and Thibaudeau. 


the same day> the 20th of Florial of the year X) 
" considering that the resolution of the First Consul 
is a piece of magnificent homage to the sover- 
eignty of the people, and that the people, con- 
sulted as to its dearest interests, should know no other 
limit than those very interests," ordered that the 
French people should be consulted upon this question : 
'^Should Napoleon Bonaparte be Consul for life?*^ 
The plebiscite was thus formulated by a simple Con- 
sular order, and as nothing in the Constitution 
authorised such a mode of procedure it was truly a 
coup (Vitaty which was notified to the Senate Xon the 
2 1st of Florial), the Legislative Corps, and the Tri- 
bunate, by a simple message, their advice not being 

The Senate, irritated, appointed a Commission to 
consider what measures should be taken ; but this 
Commission, with Ddmeunier as spokesman, declared 
(on the 27th of Florial) that there was nothing to be 
done '*as to the present." 

The Tribunate and the Legislative Corps bowed to 
the accomplished fact. On the registers which they 
opened for the purpose of recording the individual votes 
of their members (which registers have not been dis- 
covered) there were registered, according to Fauriel, 
only four negative votes ; one in the Tribunate 
(Camot's), and three in the Legislative Corps. Yet 
on presenting these figures to the First Consul on the 
24th of Florial, .Vaublanc, the spokesman of the 
Legislative Corps, gave him the pithy advice to govern 
*' through political, civil, and religious liberty," and 
the spokesman of the Tribime, Chabot, ventured an 
indirect but lively satire upon Bonaparte's ambition. 

The honour of scrutinising the procis-verbaux of 
this plebiscite was inflicted on the Senate ; the plebiscite 
was taken, as before, by means of open registers. On 
the 14th of Thermidor of the year X (August 2, 1802) 
the following senatus consuUas was issued : 


''The Conservative Senate, assembled in the numbers prescribed by 
Article 90 of the Constitution ; deliberating upon the message of the 
Consols of the Republic of the loth of this month ; having heard the 
report of its special Commission; being instructed to verify the 
registers of the votes given by the citizens of Prance ; having eaounined 
the prods-verbal drawn up by the special Commission, which states 
that 3,577i259 citizens voted, and that 3,568,885 voted that Napoleon 
Bonaparte be appointed First Consul for life; considering that the 
Senate, established by the Constitution as the organ of the people in all 
that concerns the social pact, should manifest in a striking and extra- 
ordinary manner the national gratitude towards the conquering and 
peace-making hero, and solemnly prockiim the wish of the French 
people to give the Government all that stability necessary to the inde- 
pendence, prosperity, and glory of the country, decrees the following : 
I. The French People appoints and the Senate proclaims Napoleon 
Bonaparte First Consul for life. 2. A statue of Peace, holding in one 
hand the laurel of Victory, and in the other the decree of the Senate, 
will attest to posterity the gratitude of the nation. 3. The Senate 
will convey to the First Consul the expression of the confidence, love 
and admiration of the French people." 

This statue of Peace of which the Senate decreed 
the erection was the only possible expression of its 
honourable but impotent desire for the establishment of 
a normal and legal state of things ; and all its oppo- 
sition, now broken' and overcome, could manifest itself 
in no more effective manner than by this indirect counsel 
to the soldier to whom' France had g^ven herself up . 

For this plebiscite was indeed the abdication of all 
France in favour of one man. He had already won the 
stupendous victory of obtaining the acceptance of the 
Constitution of the year VIII by three millions of 
voters ; this time there had been 500,000 more ** Ayes " 
than in the year VIII . The interference of the prefects ' 
was not enough to explain this increased majority. It 

' On the 26th of Florial of the year X, in a circular to the prefects, 
Roederer engaged them to obtain as many votes as possible ; but 
Roederer was only the Councillor of State in charge of public instruc- 
tion, and had despatched this circular unknown to his nominal chief, 
the Minister of the Interior, Chaptal. People were still blushing at 
the idea of interference in election& 


was to be explained principally by the fact that the 
nation was rejoicing over the Peace of Amiens, which 
seemed to terminate for ever a period of ten years' 
bloody war. On the other hand large numbers of \ 
royalists who abstained from voting in the year VIII i 
did vote for Bonaparte on this occasion, out of gratitude 
for a senatus consuttus of the 6th of Florial of the vear i 
X, which granted the imigris a conditional amnesty ; i 
and also because the establishment of the life -Consulate 
seemed likely to bring about, if not a restoration of 
the Bourbons, at least monarchical institutions. It was 
the moment for disarming and rallying of a large 
number of royalists, much to the indignation of Loufs 
XVIII (whose abdication Bonaparte had vainly tried 
to procure). a It must also be remembered that the 
Papist clergy, in their satisfaction at the Concordat, 
must have proved excellent electoral agents .3 

We may therefore almost assert that it was a majority 
of the Right that declared for the life-Consulate, while ^ 
the Constitution of the year VIII had rallied the most 
ardent and most disinterested republicans (such, for 
example, as Bouchotte). This time the majority of the 
men of the Revolution abstained from voting ; and ^ 
in the registers for Paris we find hardly any names 
of the ex-Constituents, ex-Conventionals, scholars, 

' Exceptions from this amnesty were : the leaders of armed 
assemblies, the agents of the civil war, &c. The others were 
amnestied on the condition of returning to France before the ist 
of VentUmiaire of the year XI (September 23, 1802), and of taking 
the oath "to be faithful to the Government established by the 
Constitution and not to be drawn into any intrigue or correspondence 
with the enemies of the State, either directly or indirectly." Such of 
their property as had not been alienated would be restored. These 
amnestied persons were to remain under the special supervision of the 
Government for a space of ten years. 

• See p. 260. 

* See the brochure entitled : Quel est VinUrct de la religion et du 
clergi au ConsuUU hvieethla longue vie de Bonaparte f 


members of the Institute, and men of 1789 or 1793, 
who had supported the Constitution of the year VIII. 

As for the 8,374 citizens who voted " No," we should 
think little of such a figure nowadays ; but for the 
time, and in relation to the 1,562 votes unfavourable 
to the plebiscite of the year VIII, the figure was not 
insignificant. Remember that the voting was by open 
register ; that to vote " No " was to inscribe oneself on 
the register of possible proscription. To oppose one's 
neighbours thus in writing called for a very real 
courage ; it is a remarkable thing that several thousands 
of Frenchmen dared to record their opposition to the 
ambition of a man who, on the morrow of the Peace ot 
Amiens, was adored by all France ; who was admired 
by his enemies, and who was in the flower of a glory 
not as yet dishonoured. 

On the other hand, do we know the actual total of 
these negative votes? Are the votes of the Army— at 
that time so strongly republican — comprised in the 
( registers preserved in the Archives? We know that 
■ many soldiers voted ** No/" In the garrison of Ajaccio, 
if we may believe Miot de M^lito, out of 300 votes there 
were 66 " Noes " ; in a company of 50 cannoneers 
there were 38. ** The majority of the negative votes," 
said Stanislas de Girardin, ** were given by the Army. 
It is told, in this relation, that one of our generals 
assembled the soldiers of his command, and spoke to 
them, saying, ' Comrades, the question is whether to 
appoint General Bonaparte Consul for life. Opinions 
are free ; however, I ought to tell you that the first 
one of you who does not vote for the life-Consulate I'll 
have shot at the head of his regiment.' " 

Many of those liberals of 1789 who had approved 
or even supported the coup of the i8th of Brumaire^ 
were unable to stomach the life-Consulate. La Tour- 
Maubourg wrote to Bonaparte that he could not vote 
" Aye *" unless the liberty of the press were re-estab- 


Ushed. '' The liberty of the press I " cried Bonaparte : 
" I should only have to restore it^ and in a moment I 
should have thirty royalist journals and a few Jacobin 
sheets. I should still have to govern vdth a minority, 
a faction, and reconmience the Revolution, while lall 
my efforts have tended to govern with the nation." 
And he expressed his certainty that the liberty of the 
press would unchain the reaction. 

La Fayette's was the vote that attained the greatest 
notoriety. He formulated it thus. : " I cannot vote for 
such a magistraicy until the lib^fty of the public has 
been sufficiently guaranteed ; theb I will give my vote 
to Napoleon Bonaparte." With a fine loyalty, he him- 
self sent a copy of his vote to Bonaparte, accompanied 
by a dignified and affectionate letter (on the 30th of 
Florial) in which he said: "The i8th of Brumaire 
has saved France." He praised Bonaparte's " recon- 
stnictive dictatorship," which had effected great things ; 
'* less great however than will be the restoration of 

'* It is impossible that you, General, the first in that order of men 
who can only be placed and compared by those who regard all the 
centnries, should wish that such a revolution, so many victories and 
so great bloodshed, such misery, such prodigies, should end, for the 
world and for you, merely in an arbitfary government" 

The plebiscite on the life-Consulate thus marks the 
rupture of Bonaparte with a party of the liberals of 
1789, who had effected or allowed the coup of the 
1 8th of Brumaire. Their eyes were opened at last : 
too late. They were taken by the snare, these 
politicians, thinkers, and philosophers of the Institute. 
As for Bonaparte, he became the enemy; and now in 
especial was the time when he ridiculed them by calling 
them ideologues. 

La Fayette's phrase has often been remarked : '* The 


1 8th of Brunuure has saved France.*' > A memor- 
able phrase ; it perfectly expressed the nsuve illusion 
of these liberals, who, afraid of democracy, had hoped, 
with Si^y^s, to obtain from one man the liberty they 
had demanded of the laws. Even in 1802 they do not 
yet see that the establishment of individual power is 
the logical and inevitable consequence of the initial 
coup (Vitat. They blame Bonaparte, the circum- 
stances, and ill fortune, when they should blame only 
themselves. Without them, without their candid and 
effectual complicity, the national representation would 
not have been violated on the 19th of Bramairey at 
Saint -Cloud. It was they who on that day hacL impelled 
a soldier to the assault of the existing laws, in the 
mad hope of thus obtaining better. And after they 
themselves had destroyed the laws they were astonished 
to find that there were no longer any laws at all. 

Their astonishment was childish ; but it plainly 
proved that they were not accomplices of the estab- 
lishment of the life-Consulate and the overthrow of 
the simulacrum of liberty which still existed. Their 
opposition left no particular traces in history, because 
they were powerless ; but it was none the less real, 
not only in the society of thinking men, but in the 
Tribunate, the Legislative Corps, the Senate, and even 
the Council of State. The courtier Roederer was an 
exception, and those who were left of the men of the 
Revolution of the year X were horrified and indignant 
at the plebiscitary manoeuvre which made Bonaparte 
Consul for life. Then they understood too late that 
the Republic was dead. 

' La Fayette had not yet returned to France at the time of the coup 
diiai. Bat he returned as soon as he heard the news, and in March, 
1800, he was erased from the list of hnigrls. See Charava/s La glnlral 
La FaycUe. 



When Bonaparte was certain of being Consul for 
life he resolved to assume what he had before refused : 
the right to perpetuate his power by appointing his 
successor. This was a grave modification to effect in 
the Constitution of the year VIII : he profited by it 
to re-shape the Constitution to such effect that, although 
the act of the i6th of Thermidor of the year X 
(August 4, 1802), which ratified these changes, was 
entitled the sinatus-consulte orgajnique de la Constita- 
tiortf it was actually ahnost a new Constitution, land 
historians often speak of it as the Constitution of the 
year X. This was the personal work of Bonaparte, 
who dictated it to his secretary Bourrienne, and then 
corrected it with his own hand (Roederer saw this 
docimient and copied it). Then, on the 3rd, 4th, and 
6th of Thermidor^ there was held a kind of privy 
council, consisting of the three Consuls, and the four 
State Councillors, Roederer, Regnier, Portalis, and 
Muraire, who approved the scheme after making some 
insignificant moderations. It was then passed on to 
the senatorial CcHnmission which had counted the votes 
of the plebiscite. The Council of State only knew of it 
on the morning of the i6th of Thermidor^ and had to 
vote upon it almost without examination. On the same 
day, at eleven m the morning, the scheme was sub- 
mitted to the Senate, illegally transformed into a con- 
stituent body, as it had already on two occasions been 
turned into a legislative assembly.^ Terrorised by 
Bonaparte's popularity, and surrounded (so we are 
assured) by grenadiers, the Senate avoided all debate, 
voted by " Ayes " and " Noes," and without adjourn- 
ment adopted the project by an " absolute majority." 

* The method of renewing the Tribunate and the Legislative Corps 
had been determined by a senaius consuHus, and the conditional 
amnesty had been granted to the hnigrh by the same means. 


Although this new Constitution^ the fifth since 1789, 
did in fact destroy the Republic, though preserving 
the name and certain forms, it must not be supposed 
that it simply organised the dictatorship of a single 
man ; or, rather, although it did organise such a 
dictatorship, it also made notable concessions to public 

Let us consider in what degree Bonaparte's power 
was increased. 

In the first place, he confirmed his power by a 
quality that had something in it akin to heredity : the 
condition of inheritance. He obtained the right to 
present to the Senate the citizen he wished to succeed 
him after his death. Lest the Senate should refuse, 
he named a second candidate, and a third, who would 
of necessity be appointed in case of repeated refusal. 
Bonaparte contrived to appear moderate in imposing 
any restrictions whatever upon this privilege, since many 
thousands of electors, during the plebiscite on the life- 
Consulship, had spontaneously written, after their 
" Ayes," these words : With the right to name his 

The Senate was deprived of all independence ; it con- 
tinued to complete its numbers by co-optation, but from 
a list of three candidates selected by the First Consul 
from the list drawn up by the " colleges '* of the de- 
partments. There were then 14 places to fill, the Senate 
still consisting of 66 members instead of 80. Moreover, 
the First Consul could himself appoint 40 new Senators, 
without previous presentation by the departments, and 
increase the total number of senators to I20.> He was 
thus able to procure a certain majority. Then it was he 

' Girardin says that 95,000 votes were so given. 

' Among these 120 members the following were members ex cffido: 
1, The three Consuls ; 2, the members of the Grand Cooncil of the 
Legion of Honour " of whatever age '* (Articles 39 and 62). 


who presided over the Senate^i or required the Second 
or Third Consul to preside. Although thus subordi- 
nated, the Senate found its powers increased ; not only 
did it interpret the Constitution ; it also legislated upon 
'' all that has not been foreseen by the Constitution, 
and is necessary to its continued application." It could 
dissolve the Legislative Corps and the Tribunate, and 
annul the judgments of the courts, when they were 
inimical to the security of the State, &c. In short, 
it was omnipotent : but by and through Bonaparte. 

The Council of State had not accepted so many 
despotic measures without opposition ; for the future 
such opposition was annihilated by the establishment of 
a Privy Council^ whose members were to be nominated 
** at each session " by .the First Consul ; which Council 
would prepare each senatus consuUus. The Tribunate 
would be reduced, from the year XIII, tot 50 members. 

The sole vestige of popular direct election which the 
Constitution of the year VIII had maintained dis- 
appeared ; the citizens would no longer appoint the 
justices of the peace, but would merely put forward 
two candidates for each vacancy •> 

The First Consul was authorised to ratify treaties of 
peace and of alliance, merely upon the advice of the 
Privy Council, and without the intervention of the 
Tribunate and the Legislative Corps. To promulgate 
them it sufficed for him to acquaint the Senate of them. 
Finally, he received the royal right of pardon. 

Let us consider what concessions Bonaparte made 
in exchange for these advantages. 

The fact that the Second and Third Consuls also 
became Consuls for life left the public indifferent, as 

' He presided for the first time on the 3rd of Fruciidor of the year X, 
appearing with an almost royal pomp. 

* In the event of a vacancy the Senate was to appoint a candidate 
presented by the First Consul, the same rules being followed as in the 
appointment of his own successor. 


these two colleagues of Bonaparte's had no real power. 
But public opinion was keenly sensible of a land of 
re-establishment of the exercise of national sovereignty. 

The system of preparing lists of notabilities was 
abolished, and in place of several hundreds or 
thousands of candidates for official positions the 
electors would henceforth suggest two only for each 
place, submitting these names to the Senate or the 
executive power." 

The cantonal assemblies, the electoral colleges of 
arrondissementSf and the electoral colleges of depart- 
ments had the right to elect these candidates by the 
secret ballot (see the consular order of the 19th of 
Fractidor of the year X). 

The cantonal assemblies, consisting of all the citizens 
domiciled in the canton, nominated two candidates for 
the position of justice of the peace, and, in towns of 
five thousand inhabitants, for each of the vacancies in 
the municipal council (renewable by one half every 
ten years) two candidates taken ** from the one hundred 
most highly taxed citizens of the canton." Finally the 
cantonal assemblies appointed the members of the 
electoral college of the arrondissement, there being 
no condition of eligibility ; and also the members of 
the departmental college of electors, who were chosen 
from the six hundred citizens paying the highest land, 
personal, or siunptuary taxes, and from the list of those 
holding licences or " letters patent." 

The colleges of the arrondissements were to comprise 
at least 120 members, and at most 200 ; the colleges 
of the departments at least 200 and at most 300. The 
First Consul had the right to add ten members to the 

■ This system of candidatures was perhaps suggested by the method 
of nomination of the Executive Council as established by the Con- 
stitution of 1793, Article 63 : " The electoral Assembly of each depart- 
ment names a candidate. The Legislative Corps chooses the members 
of the Council from the general list." 


coUiges d*atrondissement and twenty to the depart- 
mental colleges (of which ten would be chosen from 
the thirty most highly taxed citizens of the depart- 

The members of the two colleges were appointed 
for life, and elections to fill places vacated by death 
were to be held only when two-thirds of the places 
should be vacant ; so that these elections, taking place 
imder the good impression of the Peace of Amiens, 
served for the entire duration of the Consulate and the 

The colleges could assemble only in virtue of an 
act of convocation issued by the Government in the 
place allotted to them. Should a college occupy itself 
with matters other than those for which it was con- 
voked, or if it continued its sessions beyond the term 
fixed by the act of convocation, the Govemm^it had 
the right to dissolve it. The dissolution of a college 
involved the renewal of all its members. 

The electoral colleges of the arrondissements put 
forward two candidates for each vacant place in the 
Council of the arrondissement, and also two citizens 
for the list from which the members of the Tribunate 
were to be chosen. The departmental colleges did the 
same for each vacant place in the General Council, 
and also took part in drawing up the list of candidates 
for the Senate. As for the list from which the members 
of the Legislative Corps were to be chosen, each college 
(of either kind) put forward two citizens. 

To one considering the foundation of this scheme, 
it seemed to be a system of universal suffrage, since 
the cantonal assemblies were to consist of all the 
citizens. But at the outset (Article 4) they were only 
to comprise those citizens whose names were on 
the ** commimal list of the arrondissement." Only at 
the period when this list had to be renewed, according 
to the Constitution of the year VIII, would the cantonal 

VOL. IV. 16 


assemblies comprehend all the citizens. These ** com- 
munal lists of the arrondissements " ^vere, to be sure, 
created by a vote of universal suffrage, but as long ago 
as Fructidor of the year IX (and on them were officially 
inscribed the functionaries already nominated and who 
should have been selected from these lists) . Establbhed 
for three years, they should have been renewed in the 
year XII ; it was thus in the year XII that, according 
to the new system, these lists being abolished, universal 
suffrage should have been installed. The nation was 
still awaiting it. Only in 1800 (by a decree of the 17th 
of January) was it decided that all citizens should 
take part in the cantonal assemblies. 

These new assemblies were not to take part in the 
formation of the colleges, whose members were ap- 
pointed for life. They had only to nominate candidates 
for the functions of justice of the peace, and, in towns 
of five thousand inhabitants or more, the municipal 
councillors. This democratic basis of the new system 
was thus an illusion, a sham. In reality Bonaparte 
made no appeal to the people except in the form of a 
plebiscite. As soon as he had the power to do so he 
organised a bourgeois system ; he gave the bourgeoisie 
not actual political power, but privileges of influence 
and honour. The plebiscitary Republic was at the same 
time a bourgeois Republic, the scaffolding of which was 
all in readiness for the bourgeois monarchies of 18 14 
to 1848. 

Here, then, were electors, elections, and the elected. 
An appearance of a retilm to the ideas and practices 
of the Revolution made public opinion accept (so far 
as it still existed) both the restrictions which made an 
illusion of the right of suffrage, and the extension given, 
by the other articles of the senatus eonsuUus^ to the 
personal power of Bonaparte. 



From the commencement of the period of the life- 
Consulate, Bonaparte abandoned the attitude, so far 
approximately preserved, of a president after the 
American fashion. In the senatus consuUus which pro- 
claimed him Consul for life he was no longer " citizen,' 
Bonaparte," but ** Napoleon Bonaparte." Thus issued 
from the shadows this baptismal name of sonorous 
syllables which was soon to become the name of an 
Emperor. Fatuous adulation was already to be noted ; 
the Journal des difenseurs de la patriCy in its issue of 
the 23rd of Florial of the year X, published a pre- 
tended ** extract from a German journal," in which it 
was declared that the word Napoleon^ according to 
its Greek root, signified the " Valley of the Lion." 
A circular emanating from the Ministry of the Interior, 
on the 1 6th of ThernUdor of the year X, invited the 
prefects to celebrate (on the 27th of Thermidor~the 
iSth of August) the anniversary of the birth of the 
First Consul and of the ratification of the Concordat 
by the Pope.> Paris was splendidly illuminated on this 
date ; and everywhere the initials A^ B appeared. On 
the Pont-Neuf rose the statue of Peace which the 
Senate had decreed as a counsel and a warning : but 
it was not long to remain there . 

Shortly afterwards Bonaparte contrived to be given 
a civil list of six millions, which the Minister of Finance, 
Gaudin, introduced in the budget of the year X, in 

' " This day/' said the Minister, " will be henceforth consecrated by 
the grandest of memories. It will recall to our latest descendants the 
memorable epoch of public happiness, of peace of conscience, and 
of the greatest act of sovereignty which a nation ever executed. The 
15th of August is at once the anniversary of the birth of the First 
Consul, the day of the signing of the Concordat, and the epoch when 
the French nation, wishing to ensure and to perpetuate its happiness, 
allied its continuance with the glorious career of Napoleon Bonaparte." 


place of the 500,000 francs which the Constitution 
of the year VIII had granted the First Consul. 

Since Marengo^ and especially since the peace, Bona- 
parte's apartments in the Tuileries, simple at first, had 
become luxurious, indeed almost royal. 

There was a Governor of the Palace — Duroc — ^and 
prefects of the Palace (by the orders of the 21st and 
23rd of Brunuure). Four ladies were attached to the 
person of Mme. Bonaparte : Mmes. de Lugay, de 
Lauriston, de Talhouet, and de R&nusat. Military and 
unpolished at the outset (or so it appeared to survivors 
of the monarchy) the court was transformed by the 
influence of Josephine, and also by the will of Bona- 
parte, who did not wish his surroundings to be wholly 
military or wholly civil. At first members of his 
entourage wore the French coat with boots and sabre, 
which gave rise to amusement. Bonaparte» at the 
festival of July 14, 1802, appeared in a coat 
of red Lyons silk, without rufiles, and with a black 
cravat. After the creation of the life-Consulate, the 
small-sword and silken stockings replaced the boots 
• and sabre. Questions of costume became of serious 
importance . To wear the hair powdered and en bourse 
was to please the First Consul ; thus did Gaudin, the 
Minister of Finance. Bonaparte did not use powder, 
\ and wore his hair as before ; but he encouraged these 
; futilities and absurdities of the ancien rigime^ and 
^ everything else that might transform his officials and 
generals into courtiers divided among themselves and 
engrossed in imbecilities. The character of this new 
court, and the chief quality by which it differed from 
the old, was that although women were one of its 
ornaments they had scarcely any political influence, 
or else they were merely the instruments of Bonaparte's 
policy ; Bonaparte being master in hb own palace as 
well as in France. 

Of all the acts of the Consulate that which seemed 


to contemporaries to savour the most of a return to the 
manners of th e monarchy was the law of May 19^ 1802 
(the 29th of F lor Sal of the year X), which created a 
Legion of Honour^ " in execution of Article 87 of the 
Constitution^ relating to military rewards, and also the 
reward of civil services and virtues." This Legion, 
of which the First Consul was the head, consisted of 
a Grand Council of Administration, and of fifteen 
cohorts (of which each had its particular local centre), 
comprising each seven grand officers with pensions of 
5,000 francs, twenty commanders with pensions of 
2,000 francs, thirty officers with pensions of 1,000 
francs, and three hundred and fifty legionaries with 
salaries of 250 francs ; all appointed for life. To 
each cohort national property was appropriated bring- 
ing in an income of 200,000 francs. A hospital was 
to be established in each cohort for infirm legionaries. 
Appointed by the chief administrative Council, over 
which the First Consul presided, the members of the 
Legion of Honour were chosen from among those 
soldiers who had '* rendered signal service to the State 
in the war of liberty *' (those who had received swords 
of honour being members by right), and from among 
"' those citizens who, by their knowledge, talents, or 
virtues, had contributed to establish or defend the 
principles of the Republic, or had made men love and 
respect justice and the public administration.'* Each 
person admitted to the Legion of Honour must 

"swear apon his honour to devote himself to the service of the Re- 
public ; to the conservation of its territory in a state of integrity ; to 
the defence of the Government, its laws, and the qualities consecrated 
thereby ; to oppose, by all the means authorised by justice, reason, and 
the laws, all undertakings tending to re-establish the feudal system; 
finally, to co-operate with all his power in the maintenance of liberty 
and equality." 

Despite these republican formulae, the project of the 
institution of the Legion of Honour met with a lively 


Opposition from the Council of State (which adopted 
it by 14 votes agsunst To). The^orators of the 
Tribunate criticised it bitterly as anti-revolutionary.^ 

This assembly adopted the proposal by only 5 6 votes 
against 38, and the Legislative Corps by 170 against 
no. Decried and ridiculed at the outset as a civil 
institution,^ the Legion of Honour was soon accepted 
by public opinion, and its insignia were so sought after 
as to become a powerful factor in support of Bona- 
parte's personal ambition. 


I After the establishment of the life-Consulate, which 
! left nothing of the Republic but the name, were there 
j still those in France who wished to re-establish a true 
republic? Was there still a republican party? 

Among the more notable democrats of the year II 
only Jeanbon Saint-Andr6 and Bar^re had rallied to 
the Government ; the former being prefect of Mayence, 
and the latter employed at an obscure task of drawing 
up secret bulletins. The others— Robert Lindet, the 

I ' See the speeches of the tribunes Savoy e-RoIIin and Chauvelin 
' at the session of the 28th of Floral. The former denounced the 
'' legion of Honour as laying the foundation of a new npbility j the latter 
expressed a fear lest the Liegion should be intended as a representative 
^ body, and lest the authority of the Tribunate was to be supplanted 
by that of a corporation established and distributed all over France, in 
its fifteen centres, of which the hierarchy and confederations, sub- 
ordinate or collateral, would form a strongly knit and powerful 

' Mme. de Chastenay, in her Mhnoires (vol. ii. p. 2), speaks thus of the 
first members : " M. Real could not, at first, let us see him without 
blushing. I found Garat at Fouche's, the revers of his coat tightly 
buttoned ap, so that no one should see on his philosopher's bosom 
the sign, only too far from equivocal, of the vanity of a courtier ; but 
the pitiless Fouche amused himself by forcing Garat to show it to me. 
In a few days people grew used to it ; in a few months they began to 
envy it." 


two Prieurs^ Cambon, Vadier, and the ex -Ministers 
Pache and Bouchotte> held themselves aloof. Among 
the men of the second rank, and the men of action of 
the same party, the more energetic had^ been deported 
in connection with the affair of the " infernal machine/' 
or condemned to death for a pretended conspiracy ; < 
the others, terrified, did not stir. Those whom the 
police called the " exclusives " were thus reduced to 
silence, and although their existence was a source of 
alarm to Bonaparte, who regarded the ex-Montagnards 
as the most irreconcilable and dangerous opponents of 
his dictatorship, no more was heard of them. 

There was, however, a republican opposition which 
was both seen and heard. It had found a place in 
the new system ; it sat in the Senate, the Tribunate, 
and the Legislative Corps. Among the more dis- 
tinguished members of the opposition was Camot, who 
was, as it were, set apart by the great part he played 
in the year II, and his fantastic political conduct of 
the year V ; the Catholic democrat, Gr^goire ; the 
Catholic liberal, Lanjuinais ; and the moderate, boar- 
geoiSf ex -Directorial republicans— Benjamin Constant, 
Bailleul, Ginguen^, Marie-Joseph Ch^nier— those " ideo- 
logues," hated by Bonaparte, who formed the nucleus 
of the opposition. The salon of Bailleul was their 
meeting-place .> Talleyrand had a footing among 
them ; a spy and accomplice both. Si6y^s was sup- 
posed secretly to encourage them .3 Thie spirit of 

> See p. i88. 

" See, for example, the report of the prefecture of police of the 
9th of Ffimaire of the year IX, which states that at a meeting held 
at Bailleurs house on the 7th it was decided "that they must no 
longer hesitate, but must at last show themselves energetic and ready 
to break the chains with which the dummy of a constitution had loaded 
the Legislative Corps." 

* He said to Bailleul : " Leave the Government alone ; it will cut its 
own throat" (police report of the 3rd of Pluviose of the year IX. See 
also the report of the i6th of Germinal following). 


Mme. de StaSl animated them and associated them, 
somewhat as the spirit of Mme. Roland had formerly 
animated and associated the Girondists. 

Having a horror of the despotism to which they had 
so naively opened the door, by their complicity with 
Bonaparte in the affair of the i8th of Brunuure^ 
neither the epigrams of the salons nor speeches from 
the tribune could satisfy them. They lived in the hope 
of provoking an insurrection— not among the working 
classes, who no longer troubled about politics, but in 
the Army, and especially among the superior officers. 

We see them to-day, retrospectively, in the mind's 
eye, these generals of the Consulate : Marshals of 
France, courtiers of Napoleon's court, and later, for 
\ the most part, the servitors of Louis XVIII. We cannot 
realise that imder the Consulate they were republicans. 
It is, however, the fact that they were. One must 
r^nember that they had all attained superior grades, 
either by election or by the choice of the representa- 
tives on mission, at a period when republicanism was 
dominant. They were the most republican soldiers of the 
republican Army, who had formed the glorious general 
staff of the year II . I think we may say that if Hoche 
and Marceau had lived into the Consulate they would 
have been no more republican than Bemadotte, Mas- 
s^na, Augereau, Brune, Moreau, Jour dan, Gouvion 
Saint-Cyr, Lecourbe, Lannes, and Macdonald were from 
1800 to 1 804. 1 

After the Peace of LuniSville the majority of these 
generals, back in Paris, and imemployed, joined the 
opposition. Bonaparte sent a few away on diplomatic 
or military missions : such as Bemadotte, Lannes, 

' There were no generals who were not republicans ; who did not 
dream of delivering Prance from her new tyrant Thns we read in 
a report of the prefecture of police (of the 14th of Prairial, year IX) : 
" Last Dtcadi, when the sahn of the Museum had just been opened, a 
young officer was seen ecstatically kissing the bust of Marcus Brutus." 



Brune, Macdonald. Bemadotte , however, being com- 
mander-in-chief of the Army of the West, often returned 
to Paris. According to Mme. de Stael, when a party 
was formed m the Senate he would not take action imtil 
the termination of a deliberation of that assembly. It ] 
waSy however, among his staff at Rennes that a kind of 
conspiracy was hatched when the promulgation of the \ 
Concordat had unveiled the whole of Bonaparte*s ambi- \ 
tion. His chief of staff. General Simon, was arrested 
with other officers, and convicted of having drawn up 
and having sent to all the armies printed placards, on 
which was this passage : 

" Soldiers, you have no longer a native land ; the Republic exists no 
longer, and your glory is tarnished, ... a tyrant has seized the power, 
and who is this tyrant ? Bonaparte 1 " " The Republic, the fruit of 
yoor labour, your courage, and your constancy during twelve years, 
is at last no more than a word* Soon, doubtless, a Bourbon will be 
on the throne ; or perhaps Bonaparte himself will have proclaimed 
himself Emperor or King." 

Having railed at the Concordat and the ceremony at 
Notre Dame, the placard continues thus> : 

" By what right does Bonaparte abuse the weakness of the French 
in forgetting his conduct of Vendhniair^,* and in forgiving his usurpa- 
tion of the reins of Government in Brumairef By what right does' 
this bastard abortion of Corsica, this republican pigmy, imagine that 
he can transform himself into a Lycurgus or a Solon, to give laws 
to a country which can honour him neither for his wisdom nor for his 

Against the perfidy and scoundrelism of the "dis- 
loyal knight of Saint-Cloud '* a '* military federation " 
must be formed. 

*' Let our generals show themselves ; let them make their glory, and 
the glory of the armies, respected. Our bayonets are ready to avenge 
the outrage inflicted upon us, the outrage of causing them to be 

' When he deserted the Army of Egypt to return to France. 



turned against us on the fatal day of Saint-Cloud : let our generals say 
but a word, and the Republic shall be saved." 

These republican demands found an echo. On the 
15th of Prairial of the year X the prefect of Ille-et- 
Vilaine, Mounier, wrote to the Minister of the Interior : 
" The anarchists of Rennes have unhappily some sup- 
porters amongst the troops. . . . The Concordat and 
the hfe-Consulate are exasperating the hot -heads here- 
abouts. . • ." There were other conspiracies, with the 
object of killing the First Consul^ either by assassina- 
tion or a kind of forced duel. All was foreseen, dis- 
' covered, thwarted and strangled in the greatest silence, 
without ostentatious severity, so that France and Europe 
knew nothing of these attempts . 

The Army of the Rhine, which had preserved the 
pure republican spirit of the year II, alarmed Bona- 
parte ; on the morrow of the Peace of Amiens he sent_ 
the best of it to fight and to die in San Domingo. 

Still, in the inactivity of peace the general officers 
continued to rail at Bonaparte, and their himting parties 
at Moreau's }iouse, in the country near Grosbois, had 
the look of conspiracy. To judge by the police report 
Augereau, Mass^na, and Bemadotte were among the 
most unbridled slanderers . 

That the Peaqe of Amiens was of so short a duration 
was perhaps^ in some degree, because Bonaparte could 
no longer keep the military republican opposition quiet. 
It seemed as though he could only shut their mouths 
by employing them in war, putting them in the way 
of victories, honours, and booty. The greater number 
allowed themselves gradually to be corrupted or 
domesticated by these means. The small number of 
those who preferred to remain independent were easily 
broken later. 

There was one republican general with whom it 
was never easy to come to terms ; I am speaking of 
Moreau, Prudent, taciturn, he afforded no hold over 


him, no pretext for the denunciations of the police, who 
at Grosbois and at Paris kept him under active super- 
vision. He was waiting, reserving himself. He was the 
hope of all the opposition men, republic ans or royalists. 
The sole fact that the victor of Hohenlinden lived 
withdrawn from the Consular court, holding no active 
position, refusing to enter the Legion of Honour, refus- 
ing to be present at the Te Deunt sung in celebration 
of the Concordat, was a serious, even a very dangerous 
matter for Bonaparte. Should a military reverse befall 
him, an eclipse of his star — there was his successor, 
waiting in readiness. It was for this reason that he 
wished to rid himself of Moreau, as Robespierre had 
rid himself of Danton ; for this reason he " amalga- 
mated " him (to use a phrase of the Terror) in ^ 
political conspiracy ; intending to dishonour him, to 
expel him from France, thus depriving the opposition of 
his head and his arm, or at least of his sword. 

The republican opposition, whether that of the lex- 
democrats or of the republican soldiers, was reduced 
to secret conspiracies, and during the suppression of 
the free press had no means of acting on public opinion. 
The republicans of the Tribunate could speak their 
minds ; those of the Senate and the Legislative Corps 
could influence the stream of events by their votes and 
their attitude in public. The opposition of these 
pseudo-representatives of the people, who had been 
elected by no electoral body, and who represented no 
vital national force, was overcome by various measures, 
and without much difficulty. Mme. de Stael > and Benja- 

* The famous Mme. de StaSl, a voloble, intelligent, tempestuous 
Swiss, the daughter of the great Necker — a gigantic egoist, and more 
desirous of being a politician, authoress, and grande amoureuse than 
successful in any of those roles — had for years held Benjamin Constant 
in her toils; sometimes as lover, sometimes as friend, despite the 
eventual marriage of both parties, and numerous other love affairs. 
Her only real influence on politics was through Constant, though she 
believed that Napoleon regarded her with genuine fear. When in 


min Constant had to leave Fnmce. The Tribunate, 
expurgated, found itself threatened with afanost im- 
mediate disappearance ; the Legislative Corps was 
reduced to impotence by the lately augmented powers 
of the Senate. These two assemblies voted almost 
unanimously on the questions of the budget and the 
levies of troops necessitated by the resumption of the 
war ; and the sessions of the years XI and XII were 
devoted, without any incident of particular note, to the 
reading and voting of laws such as those relating to 
the exercise of the profession of medicine, the organisa- 
tion of the body of notaries, the establishment of 
*' chambers of c<msultation *' for matters relating to 
the manufactures, arts, and crafts ; the administration 
of matters of forestry, the law schools, and the Civil 
Code, which was at last completed. 

We find no further traces of opposition in the Senate, 
of which the majority has been changed by the 
additions made by virtue of the senatus consultus 
of the 1 6th of Thermidor of the year X. Bonaparte 
finally conciliates this assembly by the creation (on 
the 14th of Nivdse of the year XI) of sinatoreries^ or 
senatories, to com a word, at the rate of *' one to 
each arrondissemeni of the Court of Appeal " (a total 
of 31). Each senatory, held for life, is " endowed with 
a house and an annual income from national property 
of 20,000 to 25,000 francs,** the only condition being 
that of residence in the senatory for at least three 
months in the yeat. The holders of these lucrative 
sinecures are appointed by the First Consul, from a 
list of three senators presented to him by the Senate.' 

tnd odour in Finance she commonly entertained a honseful of exiles 
at her coantry honse in Switzerland.— [Trans.] 

' This was an extremely efficient means of rewarding the sealoas, 
reconciling the opposition, and pacifjring those out of favour. In this 
way was tempered the disgrace of Fonch^ He was dismissed from 
the Ministry of Police because the First Consul wished to be rid of 


The creation of these senatories is another step onward 
in the system of making all honour and all welfare 
depend on the will of the master. 

Henceforth the Senate was zealous in its devotion to 
Bonaparte. It helped to restrict yet more the feeble 
prerogatives of the Legislative Corps by a senatas 
consalttts of the 28th of Frimaire of the year XH 
(December 20, 1803), which deprived that ^sembly 
of the right of appointing its president : henceforth it 
could only nominate four candidates, from whom the 
First Consul selected the president ; in this case he 
selected Fontanes. On the 3rd of Qerminal of the year 
Xn the Legislative Corps voted for the erection, in its 
place of assembly, of a bust of Bonaparte executed 
in white marble. 

It is impossible to understand this abdication, and 
the final failure of the opposition, whether republican 
or democratic, military or middle-class, unless we bear 
in mind the fact that the members of the opposition were 
only a staff without an army. It was by meians of the; 
National Guard that the great anti-governmental insur- 
rections of the Revolution were effected. Although 
this was no longer a mimicipal force, although the 
Government had taken over its command, and although 
the bourgeois elements in it were actually predominant, 
it might still have been a powerful democratic institu- 
tion, it might yet have been truly the nation in arms, 
since all citizens were still admitted to it without quali- 
fication and elected their officers. But the Parisians, 
working men and bourgeois^ were disgusted with the 
service of the National Guard. We read in a report 
from the prefecture of police (dated the nth of 
Plavidse of the year XI ) : 

the " Jacobin " who had opposed the Concordat. Made a Senator, he 
received the senatory of Aix. Another ** Jacobin/' the Senator Monge, 
was given the senatory of Liige. D6meunier eidiibited signs of inde- 
pendence ; he was given the senatory of Toulouse. See the Almanack 
National for the year XII. 


" Yesterday some police agents, reqairing aimed forces^ repaired to 
the guard-house in the Rue Grange-Bateliere ; they found absolutely 
no one there, not even the sentry. The gate was open and the arms 
left to the mercy of chance. It was only after the lapse of a quarter 
of an hour that the sergeant in charge arrived, and informed the police 
that of the twenty-five men of whom this post was supposed to consist, 
only five had presented themselves, and even they had gone away. 
It is almost the same, every day and every night, with the other 

Other reports speak of the complaints of the working 
classes, who are no longer willing to mount guard. 
Bonaparte made no attempt to remedy a slackness 
that so well served his ambition. A Consular order 
of the 1 2th of Vendimiaire of the yea^ XI had estab- 
lished a " Municipal Guard of the City of Paris " (com- 
posed of 2,054 infantry and 180 troopers) who gradu- 
ally took over the duties of the National Guard. The 
latter still existed, but its duties were reduced to mere 
parades. < 

The National Guard having thus ceased to play a 
political part, those who had dreams of overthrofw- 
ing Bonaparte could have realised them only by an 
insurrection of soldiers and the working classes. Now 
the police reports show us that in the barracks of 
Paris Bonaparte was popular. He was popular even 
in the factories and workshops, and the labouring 
population of the Faubourgs Saint -Marceau and Saint- 
Antoine admired and loved him far more than they 
had ever admired Marat and Robespierre. 

This was not because he had assumed the pose of a 
kind of democratic Caesar. On the contrary, he always 
treated the working classes as inferiors. By the law of 
the 22nd of Germinal of the year XI and the order of 
the 9th of Frimaire of the year XII he placed them 

' The senatus consuUus of the 2nd of Vendhniaire of the year XIV 
gave the Emperor the right of appointing the officers of the National 


under the supervision of the police^ obliged them to 
carry certificates, without which they would be arrested 
as vagabonds, and once more, under penalty of im- 
prisonment, prohibited all unions or strikes, and con- 
fided to the prefect of police the power of arbitration 
between workers and employers on the subject of wages . 
By a return to the ancien rfgime the Code Napol6on 
enacted (Article 1,781) that in such disputes the em- 
ployer's simple word should be taken. Although the 
plebiscite was the basis of the new r6gime^ Bonaparte 
tended, here as elsewhere, to destroy equality, to divide 
French society into a middle class privileged politically 
and socially, and a subordinated plebeian class. 

Far from complaining of this state of things, the 
workers did not even appear to see that it was in contra- 
diction with the principles of 1789. Their love for 
Bonaparte was inspired and maintained by moral and 
material advantages. 

The material advantages consisted especially in this : 
that by the vigilance of the First Consul Paris was well 
provisioned and the necessities of life were almost 
always cheap (and to this end Bonaparte formed the 
bakers and butchers into corporations dependent upon 
the police). Industry also revived visibly under the 
Consulate : work was rarely wanting ; wages were 
higher, and later on the very abuse of military conscrip- 
tion had the indirect result of raising them still further. 

The moral (or, if you will, chimerical) advantages 
were that Bonaparte won for France a dazzling military 
glory, and the patriotism of the Parisian working man 
had become extremely Chauvinistic. At the same time 
the working man was still passionately anti -royalist. 
He saluted in Bonaparte the leader of the Revolution ; 
the beneficent dictator formerly predicted euid demanded 
by Marat ; the protector of the new France against 
the Bourbons. 

These sentimental reasons were the stronger : at 


the time of the rupture of the Peace of Amiens^ the 
Parisian workers knew that they might come to lack 
work, that their welfare was being compromised, but 
they still cried Vive Bonaparte! With bread and glory, 
or with glory alone, Bonaparte felt that he would 
retain the love of the working classes ; but he also 
felt that if he lost that love his personal power, in the 
event of a military disaster, would be at the mercy 
of an insurrection of the faubourg^. His police sur- 
veyed with a vigilant eye the attitude and opinions of 
the working classes, and kept informed of their con- 
versation. During the whole Consulate they testified to 
the excellent political feeling prevalent in the work- 
shops. It must not be thought that the police were 
servilely and untruthfully optimistic in order to please 
the Government ; for they reported, with a certain 
pessimism, the progress of the opposition among the 
bourgeoisie and amiong the superior officers of the 

The reports emanating from the prefecture of police 
contain a host of facts which prove the unalterable 
confidence which the Parisian workers reposed in 

The severest, even the most illegal measures against 
the leaders of various strikes or attempts at co-opera- 
tion failed to excite any discontent. When the Govern- 
ment forbade the joiners, carpenters, hatters, &c., to re- 
establish the *• Companionship of Work," « they quietly 
submitted. In vain did the *' exclusives,'* the liberals 
of the Tribunate, or the royalists, attempt to indoc- 
trinate them' ; they remained as deaf to the appeals of 
the opposition of the Left as to those of the opposition 
of the Right. They no longer sang the Marseillaise; on 
the 1 8th of Qerminal of the year XI the police reported, 
as an exceptional fact, that the *' strong men ** of the 
markets sang it ; but then they were drunk . 

' DCTO ff^d nty, aercise> tuk. — [Trans.] 


Not only in the workshops, but in the wineshops, 
bars, roadside inns, and outdoor caf6s are the working 
men observed ; it is impossible to catch them in hostile 
attitudes or conversations ; notably so on the morrow of 
such political events as that of the " infernal machine," 
the Concordat, and the life-Consulate. They speak 
of Bonaparte only to praise him. 

When bread is dear, in the year X, they complain 
without anger ; as soon as the price goes down they 
thank the Government. 

Whatever happens they bear no grudge against Bona- 
parte. One result of peace in Paris is the closing of 
button factories employing at least 12,000 hands ; but 
there are no disturbances. Upon the breaking out 
of war there is a general decline in the manufacture 
of articles de luxe; those concerned do not even 
complain. What the workers do say is that it was 
well done not to give way to England : they are 

When Moreau and his so-called accomplices are 
arrested, they are wroth with the ** conspirators " (the 
27th of Pluvidse of the year XII). When Georges is 
arrested " they express loudly, in profane and energetic 
terms, the keenest satisfaction " (the 20th of Ventdse). 
Do they wish to insult or abuse a man ?— they call him 
Georges (on Germinal the 7th). When the Due 
d'Enghien is killed, they applaud ; they offer their 
services to the Government (the 4th of Germinal). 

Moreover, they welcome the establishment of the ', 
Empire. We read in the report of the 4th of Pr atrial \ 
of the year XII : '* The workers are very busy exercising 
their right to vote on the subject of imperial inheri- { 
tance . They meet in crowds to go and sign their names \ 
at the prefecture of police, and to the offices of the < 
commissaries who give out the papers. They speak | 
enthusiastically of the Emperor." And in a report of 
the 7th of Prairial we see that they reproached those of 

VOL. rv. 17 


their fellows who had not yet voted for the hereditary 
Empire for their negligence." 

This abdication of the Parisian workers — so docile 
and so absolute — in favour of a master, reduces the 
bourgeois republicans to impotence ; henceforth their 
opposition is merely a futile affair of the salons. From 
this time dates the rupture between the liberals and the 
people ; for many long years democracy and universal 
suffrage will seem incompatible with liberty. 


The royalist opposition had now no more chance 
of success than the republican. We have seen how the 
royal armies, reorganised at the end of the Directory 
in Vendue, Brittany, and Normandy, had been forced 
to dissolve, either by capitulation or the capture of 
their leaders .' This attempt at a great civil war was 
followed by brigandage, as under the Directory. When 
the Papist priests had rallied to Bonaparte on account 
of the Concordat this brigandage diminished ; but a 
state of insecurity was manifested, in the Chouan and 
Vend^ean regions, by a continual series of distrubances 
throughout the entire Consulate and Empire ; and the 
fact that the rebellion broke out so fiercely in 1814 
and 181 5 was due to the fact that the fire had never 
been completely quenched. 3 The royalists also, under 
English influence, resumed their conspiracies and 

' Two days later— on the 9th of Prairial of the year XII (May 27, 
1804) the police report the seizure, and make an analysis, of a manu- 
script entitled : Esquisse dun nouveau plan d organisation social^ par un 
philanthrope; and this philanthrope is Saint-Simon. This coincidence 
shows how far this thinker is in advance of his time ; for while he is 
criticising the state of things and discusses the social question, the 
workers of Paris are delighted with their lot, satisfied with the social 
organisation, and enthusiasts on the subject of Napoleon. 

* See pp. 165-166. 

9 Chassin, Padficaiion dc Touest, voL iiL 



attempts at assassination. There was the affair of the 
•* infernal machine," of which I have spoken ; there 
was the conspiracy of Georges Cadoudal^ of which I 
am about to speak. There was also seditious talk in 
the salons, but it became less and less frequent as the 
power of the First Consul became more monarchical^ 
and as the imigris returned and foimd their place in 
the new regime. 

On the 19th of Bramaire the royalists were flattering 1 
themselves that Bonaparte was going to play the part ' 
of Monk. Hyde de Neuville and d'Andign6 saw him 
and made proposals ; he bowed the two agents out. 

Louis XVni was not discouraged. Sceptical, and a 
lover of intrigue, it is stated with certainty that he had 
formerly approached Robespierre. We have seen that 
he conferred with Barras.> From Mitau, on Decem- 
ber 19, 1799, he sent M. de Clermont-Gallerande with 
full powers to treat with Bonaparte. On February 20, 
1 800, he himself wrote the First Consul a most flattering 
letter : 

" Save France from her own furies, and you will have accomplished 
the desire of my heart ; give her back her King, and the generations 
of the future will bless your memory. You will always be too necessary 
to the State to make it possible for m« to pay, by means of important 
positions, the debt of my agent and my own." 

This letter eliciting no reply, Louis XVIII wrote 
another (undated, but anterior to the battle of Marengo). 
'• Take your place," he said, ** determine the fate of 
your friends .... We can assure the glory of France . 
I say we, because for that purpose I shall have need of 
Bonaparte, and he cannot effect it virithout me." To 
this Bonaparte finally replied, but after Marengo (on 
the 20th of Fructidor of the year VIII — September 7, 
1800) : 

' See p. 115, note. 


"I haverecetyed your letter,sir; I thank yoa for the coorteons things 
yoo say in it Yoa most not expect to return to Prance ; to do so you 
must step over a hundred thousand slain. Sacrifice your interest to 
the welfare and repose of France. . . . History will remember you. 
I am not insensible to the misfortunes of your family. . . I shall with 
pleasure contribute to the pleasantness and calm of your retreat* 

Louis XVIII also wrote to Consul Le Brun, who 
replied that the restoration of the Bourbons was not 
possible " to-day.'* He instructed Clermont-Gallerande 
to interview Josephine, to whom he conveyed the most 
flattering compliments. Bonaparte stood aside ; these 
proceedings had the advantage of preventing a public 
statement of Louis' claim. 

The conclusion of the Concordat, the reconciliation 
of the Pope with the Republic, and the peace with 
Austria and England seemed to deprive the Pretender 
of all further hope ; the more so as the Franco-Russian 
entente demanded his expulsion from Russia. But he 

^ established himself at Warsaw, and continued to behave 
as a king. Then the First Consul, through the media- 

' tion of Prussia, tried to persuade hinn finally to 

abdicate. On the 17th of Nivdse of the year XI 

(January 7, 1803), the Minister of Exterior Relations, 

Talleyrand, confided in Lucchesini, the Prussian minister 

in Paris. To him he said : 

" To calm the timid minds of many anxious Catholics ; to harmonise 
that which some of the hnigrh believe they still owe to their oaths and 
their honour with the desire which almost all of them experience of 
returning to their country and serving it ; and finally, to deprive the 
malevolent of the pretext and the rival power of France of the instru- 
ments of future disturbances : these are the salutary and praiseworthy 
purposes which the First Consul wishes to attain. A feeling mingled 
of compassion and respect for the misfortunes of the princes of the 
house of Bourbon, together with a sentiment of the dignity of a great 
people long governed by it, has inspired the First Consul with the 
noble intention of providing for his (Louis') maintenance." 

In exchange for this " benefit " Bonaparte de- 
manded •• a free, entire, and absolute renunciation of 


all rights and pretensions to the throne of France^ 
and to the charges, dignities, domains and appanages 
of the princes of that house." 

Prussia transmitted these proi>osals to Louis XVIII. 
He refused them in a letter of March 3, 1803, which, 
he despatched to all the European courts : 

^ I do not confuse M. Bonaparte/' he said, " with his predecessors ; 
I esteem his valour and his military talents ; I am grateful to him for 
several administrative acts, for the good he or any does my people 
will always be sweet to me ; but he deludes himself if he believes 
he can persuade me to compromise my own rights. Far from that, 
he would establish them himself, could they ever be in question, by 
the very step he is now taking. I do not know what are God's inten- 
tions toward my house and myself, but I know the obligations imposed 
upon me by the rank to which it has pleased Him to call me at birth. 
A Christian, I shall fulfil these obligations until my last breath ; son to 
Saint Louis, I shall know how, after his example, to respect myself 
even in iron fetters ; a successor of Francis the First, I wish at least to 
be able to say, with him : All is lost, except honour I ** 

When the Empire was established Louis XVIII con- 
spicuously protested. 

At the end of the Consulate there was^ as we see, 
not only a Pretender, a " legitimate " King, for Bona- 
parte to reckon with ; there were also royalists playing 
Chouan in the west, and others, in Paris, slandering him 
in the salons. But the greater number of the returning 
imigris rallied to the support of the First Consul ; 
and these converts increased in number every day. 
But there was still, among those royalists who had not 
yet returned to France, a group who, in agreement with 
the English Cabinet, were preparing, since the rupture 
of the Peace of Amiens, foe the assassination of Bona- 


This group consisted of those imigris who in England 
formed the court of the Comte d'Artois, the Due de 


Berry, and the Prince de Cond^. Pichegru was at hand. 
Attempts were made to put him in communication with 
Moreau. The Consular police were not unaware of these 
attempts ; their object was to tarnish the glory of the 
man who won at Hohenlinden, Bonaparte's sole rival in 
point of military glory. Moreau consented to become 
reconciled with Pichegru, but not to join the conspiracy, 
which nevertheless ran its course, at the suggestion of 
an agent of the French Govenmient, Meh6e de La 
, Touche. A General Lajolais, a friend of Pichegru's, 
! persuaded the imigrSs that Moreau had joined the 
J royalist cause. Georges Cadoudal and some Chouans 
( went secretly to Paris . They hoped, through Mor eau, to 
J prostoki^ a military insurrectron m~Tlfe~~ca pital itself. 
I Disappointed in their hope, they formed the project of 
j attacking the First Consul in the street, with a number 
^ of men equal to that of his guard. Pichegru, the Mar- 
quis de Riviere, and the two Polignacs joined Cadoudal. 
] The Comte d'Artois and the Due de Berry were to land 
I in France if the blow succeeded. 

The Consular police knew everything and allowed 
'^matters to progress. It was hoped that Moreau would 
finally compromise himself ; it was abo hoped that the 
Comte d'Artois would land in France, and so deliver 
himself into their hands. It was finally decided to 
question some of the Chouan accomplices who had 
previously been arrested. One of these, Bouvet de 
Lozier, deposed that they had coimted on Moreau, but 
that the latter had refused to help them. Inmiediately, 
and although this deposition exculpated Moreau, Bona- 
parte had him arrested (on the 25 th of Ptuvidse of the 
year XII) as an accomplice of the Chouan assassins, and 
further slandered him in his journals. Pichegru was 
also arrested (on the 8th of Ventdse). On the same day 
a senatus consuttus suspended the functions of the jury 
" during the course of the years XII and XIII, in all 
the departments of the Republic, for the trial of crimes 



of treason, attempts upon the person of the First Consul, 
and others against the internal and external security of 
the Republic." In Paris, in conformity with a law of 
the 23rd of Florial of the year X, a " Court of Special 
and Criminal Justice " was formed : a veritable Revolu- 
tionary Tribunal. As for Georges Cadoudal, he was 
arrested without having managed to attempt anything 
(on the 1 8th of Ventdse of the year XII), together with 
his accomplices ; among others the two Polignacs and 
the Marquis de Riviere. 

The Comte d'Artois and the Due de Berry did not 
land in France, and Bonaparte, having failed to seize 
their persons, turned his vengeance upon another Bour- 
bon, a stranger to the plot : the Due d'Enghien, who 
for two years since had been living at Ettenheim, in 
the territory of Baden. Violating this territory, a de- 
tachment of dragoons set out to seize the young prince 
(on the 24th of Ventdse of the year XII). His papers 
proved his innocence of the conspiracy directed against 
Bonaparte. He was none the less condemned to death 
by a military conunission, and immediately shot in 
the fosse of the Chiteau of Vincennes (on the 30th of 
Ventdse— MzTch, 21, 1804). 

This murder excited in Paris, among the upper 
classes, and then over the whole of Europe, < a revulsion 
of horror and fear . Soon it became known that General 
Pichegru had hanged himself in prison ; but no one 
was convinced that he had committed suicide. Many 
contemporaries believed, and stated their belief, that 
Bonaparte had had Pichegru put out of the way in 
order to avoid the brilliance of his public defence in 
the trial which was then approaching .> 

' Concerning the sensation produced by the murder of the Due 
d'Enghien, see Lucchesini's despatch of March 24, 1804, in 
P. Bailleu's Preussen und Frankreich, 

* Besides the Mhnoires of the Due de Rovigo, see the despatch, dated 
April II, 1804, of Baron Dalberg, Minister Plenipotentiary of the 
Elector of Baden in Paris. 



The discovery of Cadoudal's conspiracy led to a 
frenzy of adulation with regard to Bonaparte, by which 
he profited in order at last to crown his dream of 
ambition. A few addresses, more or less spontaneous, 
had demanded that the C<Hisulate should be hereditary 
in Bonaparte's family. On the 6th of Qerminal of the 
year XII (March 27, 1804) the Senate prayed the 
" great man " not to refuse to " complete his work 
by making it as immortal as his glory "L; that is to 
say by making his authority hereditarjC?) The word 
Empire was not employed, and the Senate's wTsEes^ re- 
mained obscure. The Council of State, consulted on the 
matter, deliberated for four sessions, and came to no 
agreement. Seven councillors even voted an adjourn- 
ment. In vain did Lucien Bonaparte threaten the hesi- 
tating (who included nearly all) with an acclamation on 
the part of the Army, which would have saluted the 
First Consul with the title of Emperor. Cambac6r&s 
himself was afraid of the Empire. 

It was only after several weeks of intrigue and 
hesitation 3 that a member of the Tribunate, one 

' ' ' According to Pelet (Opinions de NapoUon^ p. 51), the commission of 
the Senate had proposed merely a congratulatory address, and it was 
Fouche who demanded ** institutions which would destroy the hopes 
of conspirators by ensuring the existence of the Government beyond the 
lifetime of its head." 

* The desire of the French nation, so constantly invoked, was not 
so clear as the courtiers of Bonaparte declared. Thus, among the 
numerous extracts from addresses published by the Monii eur in 
Germinal and Fhrial of the year XII, emanating from prefects, 
, mayors, and general councils — that is, from officials appointed by the 
j Government — there are very few in which the establishment of the 
Empire is definitely demanded. The council general of Jura demands 
"a more stable order of things," "but at the same time institutions 
both powerful and liberal must assure to our descendants an efiFectual 
protection against the oscillations and abuses of power." There is 
even one address, from the authorities of Isere and the prefect of the 


Cur^e,« proposed an order (on the 3rd of Florial of the 
year XII) " to the effect that Napoleon Bonaparte, now 
First Consul, should be declared Emperor of the French, 
and that the Imperial dignity should be declared 

( hereditary in his family," The same day a Privy 
Council was assembled and consulted,^ and on the fol- 
lowing day Bonaparte invited the Senate " to inform 
him of their entire thoughts " on the subject. The 
Senate appointed a Commission, which, while waiting 
to hear what the Tribunate intended doing, sent out a 
circular to the senators asking, in the name of the First 

.'Consul, their individual advice. 

" The greater number/' says ThibandeaUi " replied by assent pure 
and simple ; a few made no reply ; these were members of the society 
known as the Society of Auteuil---Cabanis, Praslin, &c. It was believed 

same department (the learned Joseph Fourier), which advises Bona- 
parte not to seek an augmentation of power : " May he find, in the 
memory of his great deeds and in the just affection of a sensible and 
generous nation, the only rewards which are worthy of his labours 1 " 
One cannot possibly say that all France,«even through the mouths 
of the agents of the Government, demanded at this period the re- 
establishment of the throne in favour of Bonaparte ; nor that they 
existed in a state of slavery. 
' An old Conventional, who had been a member of the Marsh, 
* This Privy Council was composed of Bonaparte's most devoted 
servants : Le Couteulx de Canteleu, Roederer, Francois (Neufchateau), 
Treilhard, Portalis, Regnaud (Saint-]ean-d'Angely), Fontanes, Talley- 
rand, DecreSy Regnier, Boulay (Meurthe), and Fouche. The First 
Consul made use of his favourite method of intimidation ; the armies, 
he said, were deliberating, and haste was essential if they did not 
wish bayonets to settle the question. With the exception of Regnier 
and Fouche the members of the Council demanded that if the 
monarchy were to be established the monarch at least should be 
liberal. Fontanes said : ** Monarchy in the head of the Government ; * 
aristocracy in the Senate ; democracy in the Legislative Corps." 
Talleyrand insisted that one of the two chambers should be truly 
representative, in order that the opinion of the people should be 
known, without which nothing was possible. Bonaparte rejected these 
counsels in sharp, decisive terms. (From a rough draft of a froch'Verbal 
by Maret.) 


that Volney and Sieyes voted unfavourably ; Lambrechts and Gregoire 
replied in the negative, and gave their views as to the best means of 
controlling the excesses of imperial power and to guarantee the public 
liberties and the rights of the nation.*' ' 

The Tribiinate, on the loth of Florialy began to 
discuss the motion of Cur^e^ whom all the speakers 
supported, excepting Carnot, who (on the 1 1 th of 
Florial) declared the movement of opinion in favour 
\oi the *' hereditary monarchy •* to be ** factitious/' since 
I the press was no longer free, and who, while conceding 
that the 1 8th of Brumaire and the institution of abso- 
lute power " had withdrawn the State from the brink 
of the abyss," expressed the opinion that the dictator- 
ship should be terminated : 

" Was liberty shown to man/' he says, " in order that he might never 
enjoy it ? Was it continually offered to his desires as a fruit to which 
he could not raise his hand without being stricken with death ? 

'* If so, Nature, who has made this liberty one of our most pressing 
needs, would indeed have proved herself a cruel stepmother ! No, I 
cannot consent to regard this benefit, so universally preferred before 
all others, without which all others are nothing, as a mere illusion ; my 
heart tells me that liberty is possible, that its rule is a simple matter, 
and more stable than any arbitrary government or any oligarchy." 

Yet he declared himself ready to submit to the measures 
against which he protested. 

This protestation — so moderate, and for that matter 
eulogistic where it concerned Bonaparte — found no echo 
in the Tribunate ; which, being now reduced to 60 
members, trembled at the idea of suppression, should it 
exhibit the slightest independence.' 

' Gregoire's reply, together with a suggested Constitution, is to 
be found in his Mimaires. 

* Out of 49 members present, 48 put down their names to speak in 
favour of the establishment of the Empire. Twenty-five actually spoke. 
Three who were unable to speak had their speeches printed. There were 
many courtier-like platitudes. Chabaud-Latour congratulated himself 
that they could all "throw themselves into the arms of a saviour.". 
Several speakers declared that the reason of their desire for a new 


A Commission was appointed, in the name of which 
the ex -Conventional Jard-Panvillier made a favourable 
report, on the 13th of Florial of the year XII (May 3, 
1 804), which might thus be summed up : " The general 
desire has pronounced in favour of the individual unity of 
the [supreme] power, and for [the principle of] heredity 
in that power. France should expect from the Bona- 
parte family, more than from any other, the maintenance 
of the rights and the liberty of the people that chose 
that family, and all the institutions necessary to \ 
guarantee them. This dynasty is as deeply interested 
in maintaining all the advantages of the Revolution 
as the former dynasty would be in destroying them." 
The Tribimate, by 48 votes out of 49, expressed a 
desire in uniformity Math Cur6e's motion, and conveyed 
it to the Senate, which, in a message to the First 
Consul, declared "that it was in accordance with the 
highest interests of the French people to confide the 
government of the Republic to Napoleon Bonaparte, 
hereditary Emperor.** To this message was added a 
memoir (which was not published, but exists in the 
National Archives, among the procis-verbaux of the 
Senate) in which were ** developed " the dispositions 
most likely to guarantee to the nation " its dearest 
rights.** Here are the most important of these dis- 
positions* : there would be two senatorial Commissions ; 
one dealing with individual liberty, the other with the 
liberty of the press ; any imconstitutional law might 

dynasty was the better to oppose " democracy." Others, on the other 
hand, spoke in enlogy of the plebiscitary democracy. The tribune 
Carion-Nisas recalled "the famous oath of the Cortes of old Spain. 
* We others, who are equally worthy with thee* said the oath : there was 
native equality ; * Who can perform more than thou * : there was 
national sovereignty; * We make thee our chief': there was the 
contract ; 'To he the guardian of our interests* : there was the condi- 
tion. ' Otherwise, no * ; there was the penalty to follow the dereliction 
of duty. Family that France calls to reign, you have heard your title. 
Family that France for ever rejects, you have heard your sentence. 


be denounced in the Senate by one of its members ; 
the Senate would on such occasion fulfil the fimctions 
of a Supreme Court ; the Legislative Corps could dis- 
cuss projected laws in secret committee ; the tribunes 
would be elected for ten years ; and there would be a 
plebiscite upon the establishment of the Empire. These 
were very feeble defences against despotism. The 
Senate, it appears, had suggested other and stronger 
guarantees.! Doubtless the Senate was convinced that 
Bonaparte would never lend himself to the establishment 
of a truly constitutional system ; it therefore resigned 
itself to a despotism in the execution of which it would 
^ itself play the part of moderator. 

The Legislative Corps was not in session. Its pre- 
sident, Fontanes, got those of its members who were 
in Paris to vote (on the 20th of Florial) an address 
in conformity with the desires expressed by the Tri- 
bunate and the Senate, in which were mingled counsels 
of liberalbm and fulsome eulogies. 

So far we have to deal merely Math the expression 
of desires. On the 26th of Florial the Senate, presided 
over by Cambac^r&s, was required to look into a pro- 
jected senatus consultus presented in the name of the 
Council of State by Portalis:' The Commission already 
appointed by the Senate examined it in two days ; and 
upon the report submitted by Lac^p^de in the name of 
this Commission the organic senatus consultus was issued 
which is vulgarly called the Imperial Constitution .3 

■ In the Tribanate, on the 13th of Floral, Gallois spoke oi the 
Senate, "which has demanded new institutions." Was there then 
such a demand made before the 14th of Floreal t 
I * Did Bonaparte draw up this project himself ? We do not know. 
/He obtained its approval on the 23rd of Florial by the Council of State 
/and the privy Council. 

' It seems there was no debate : " The discussion/' says the f rods- 
verbal, "was open relating to the report of the commission. Many 
members requested that the Senate should at once vote by ballot, 
by Aye or by No, as to the adoption of the proposed organic 


The people were not allowed to vote upon the entire 
senatus consiUtus; but only to accept or reject, by Aye 
or by NOy the following proposition : ** The people 
desires the hereditary nature of the Imperial dignity 
in direct, natural, legitimate, and adoptive descent from 
Napoleon Bonaparte, and in direct, natural, and legiti- 
mate descent from Joseph Bonaparte and Louis Bona- 
parte, as ordained by the organic senatus consuttus of 
the 28th of Florial of the year XI L" This plebiscite 
was taken under the system of universal suffrage, and 
in the same manner as the preceding plebiscites, in 
Prairial of the year XII. There were 3,572,329 Ayes 
and 2,569 Noes J 

Tables appended to the senatus consultus relating to \ 
this result were published in the Bulletin des Lois^ and ' 
afford us some data that were lacking in the case of 
the other plebiscites. 

We find that there was no negative vote in 11 de- 
partments : Hautes-Alpes, Corr&ze, Garde, Indre, 
Liamone, Haute-Loire, Loiret, Deux-Sfevres, Var, Vau- 1 
cluse, and Haute -Vienne. If we credit the same source, | 

senatus consultus" But Thibaudeaa says Gregoire voted against it He 
also says that at the scrutiny there were found two blank papers and 
three negative votes ; those of Gregoire, Lambrechts, and Garat. 
Lanjuinais, whose hostility was well known, had on the 26th obtained 
leave of absence until the 15th of Thermidar, " for reasons of health/' 

■ The senatus consultus of the 15th of Brumaire of the year XIII 
indicates a lesser number, stating that among 3,524,254 voters there 
were 3,521,675 Ayes. But a report of the Senatorial Commission of 
Recensement, appended to this senatus consultus, informs the public that 
fresh papers having come to hand, the result must be modified in 
consequence, and that there were 50,654 Ayes more than was at first 
believed. The registers are in the Archives. An incomplete examina- 
tion shows me that the number of illiterate voters was very large. In 
some communes only two or three signatures were inscribed : but 
there were whole columns of the names of illiterates, all written in the 
same hand. Did these illiterates know of the use made of their 
names? There are registers containing no names, but merely the 
statement that all the citizens voted Aye. 


, there was no negative voter among the 400,000 voters 
' of the Army, nor among the 50,000 voters of the naval 
forces. This is hardly credible, if we remember that 
' most of the republicans of the opposition were among 
the superior officers. We read in a bulletin of the 
Ministry of Police, dated the i6th of Prairial of the 
year XII, that at Angoul£me General Malet openly 
criticised the establishment of the Empire. '* He is 
the only person in Angoulftme,** we read, "who did 
not rejoice on the day when the news of the senatus 
consult us arrived." We can hardly admit that Malet 
can have voted Aye. It seems likely that the members 
of the opposition in the Army confined themselves to 
/abstaining from the vote. For example, the bulletin 
of the 9th of Prairial states that at Boulogne, in the 
regiment of sappers, there were ** signatures refused." 

In thirteen departments only were there more than 
50 negative votes : in Doubs, 78 Noes; Jura, 74 ; 
Mont-Tonnerre, 131; P6, 204; Haut-RWn, 127: 
Rhin-et-Moselle, 88; Roer, 121; Haute-Sadne, 74; 
Saar, 68 ; Seine, 70 ; Sezia, 90 ; Stura, 61 ; Vosges> 

In the south-east of France, that south-east which had 
been the focus of the republican spirit, the voting 
was as follows : Aude, 13,829 Ayes against 3 Noes; 
Bouches-du-Rhdne, 14,043 against 4 ; Gard, 20,984 
against o ; H6rault, 23,185 against 7 ; Pjrr^n^es-Orien- 
tales, 9,451 against 17. 

What is the meaning of these negative votes? In 
the case of the recently annexed departments it is clear 
enough ; it is only to be expected that the opposing 
minority should be a minority hostile to France. In 
the case of the old departments the meaning of these 
votes is less clear. If we read the bulletins of the 
Ministry of Police dealing with the state of the public 
mind, which are compiled by the aid of the reports of 
prefects, procurator-generals, conmiandants of gen- 


darmerie, &c., we shall see that in certain cities — Brest, 
Bordeaux, Mayence — the opponents of the senatus 
consultus show a lively interest in General Moreau. 
Royalist and republican agree in praising Moreau. 
The prefect of Aisne sends word that in his department 
the formerly ** refractory " priests accept the empire 
of Bonaparte *• personally " only ; they do not approve 
of the hereditary principle, the foimdation of a new 
dynasty usurping the rights of the Bourbons. Generally 
speaking, those priests who are hostile to the Concordat 
excite the peasants against the new Emperor. If the 
opposition comprises republicans, it contains royalists 
and clericals in much greater numbers. As far as we \ 
can draw a conclusion from the existing data, we may 
say that the plebiscite on the subject of the Imperial • 
inheritance is on the whole a plebiscite in favour of the 
Revolution as against the Bourbons ; as against the 
ancien rigime. 


The organic senatus consultus of the 28th of Floriat 
of the year XII enacts, by its first two articles, that the 
** Government of the Republic is confided to an Em- 
peror, who takes the title of Emperor of the French,^' 
and that ** Napoleon Bonaparte, First Consul of the 
Republic, is Emperor of the French." Then follow 
articles establishing, organising, or affecting the prin- 
ciple of heredity, the royal family, and the regency. 
Here indeed is a new throne, a new dynasty. But this 
monarchy, which was to become despotic, is presented 
in the following articles as liberal, and the hereditary 
Empire is offered as the best guarantee of liberty. 

It would have been easy for Napoleon to make him- 
self Emperor by means of a plebiscite of peasants and 
working-men, without these apparent concessions, this 
pretence of liberalism ; but he pretended to govern 


by the bourgeoisie, and his cue was to peisoade tfaem, 
to rally them round his person. He made tfaeai behcve 
that he gave them, in tbe Senate, the means of defence 
against despotism. 

The Senate used to be presided ofver by oat of the 
Consuls : but henceforth a Senator ^ipointed by the 
Emperor would preside. 

llie Senate had no legislative power : it woold now 
pofthcfts the right of declaring that a given law should 
not be promulgated, were that law denounced in the 
Senate by one of its members as anti-revolutionary 
or unconstitutional. 

Wcr^f then, was the Senate, established with due 
pomp as an Upper Chamber. By means of two per- 
manent Commissions the Senate would watch over the 
liberty of the press and the liberty of the individual, 
and, should the ministers violate this liberty, the Senate 
'would pronounce judgment as a Supreme Court. 

I'he Tribunate and the Legislative Corps had the 
power to send before this Supreme Court the agents of 
the executive power, ministers, prefects, &c. The 
Supreme Court would also take cognizance of such 
crimcH as attempts at assassination, conspiracies against 
the security of the State, offences committed by mem- 
bers of the Imperial Family, and so forth. 

So far the Legislative Corps had been silent. Now 
it was given a voice ; it had henceforward the right to 
discuss the laws put before it. 

Finally, the oath taken by the Emperor was con- 
ceived in the following terms : 

" I iiwear to maintain the integrity of the territory of the Repablic ; 
to re npect, and cause to be respected, the laws of the Concordat and 
the liberty of religious worship, to respect, and cause to be respected, 
the equality of rights, civil and political liberty, and the irrevocability 
of the sales of national property ; to levy no impost, nor establish any 
tax, save in virtue of the law ; to maintain the institution of the Legion 
of Honour ; and to govern solely with a view to the interest, the 
welfare, and the happiness of the French people." 


The extremest liberals of the time asked no more 
than this ; at this price the establishment of the throne 
seemed to them a benefit . 

Doubtless^ if regarded minutely, the senaius consuUus 
contained disturbing passages. Thus, the right of veto 
accorded to the Senate might be rendered illusory by 
a certain article (72) which ordained that in the exercise 
of the veto by the Senate the Emperor, after listening 
to the Coimcil of State, might promulgate the law 
despite the' veto. Although the Legislative Corps re- 
ceived the right of discussing the laws, it could only 
do so in general committee : that is to say, in camera, 
imless the Government requested that the session should 
be public. There would be no more general or public 
sessions of the Tribunate ; it was divided into three 
sections, which deliberated with closed doors. As for 
the suffrage, the independence of the electors was 
diminished by the addition, as members ex-officio: (i) 
to the Colleges of arrondissements, of all the legionaries ; 
(2) to the departmental colleges, of the grand officers, 
commanders, and officers of the Legion of Honour. 
Although the privileges of the Senate were augmented, 
the Emperor had the right to manipulate the majority 
by the imlimited addition of members. This right he 
did not abuse, for at the fall of the Empire there were 
only 147 senators. Still, the feeling that he could abuse 
it sufficed to check all inclination to form an opposition . 

Despite these limitations, if this constitution had ever 
been put into operation no despotism would have been 

It was not put into operation ; not, at any rate, as 
regards its liberal characteristics. 

Scarcely any further legislation was undertaken, in 
the sense of making laws. Laws were replaced by 
the senatus consuUas and Imperial decree. The Legis- 
lative Corps had little to do, and seldom assembled. 
The Tribunate was suppressed in 1807. No assembly 

VOL, rv. 18 


made use of its right to send the agents of the executive 
power before the Supreme Court. The senatorial Com- 
mbsion relating to the liberty of the press had no con- 
trol of the periodical press, which was reduced to 
slavery and insi^ificance. It was entrusted merely 
with the supervision of the non-periodical press, in 
order to preserve its liberty. If there had been any 
liberty in the matter of brochures and pamphlets, des- 
potism could never have been either absolute or lasting. 
But this Commission undertook only two or three insig- 
nificant affairs ; its activity was negligible. The Com- 
mission dealing with individual liberty met often, and 
there are numerous traces of its activity in the National 
Archives. It obtained the release of a few poor in- 
significant devils, to whom the Government had given 
the right of petition. But the Government allowed the 
Commission to control it only when it so pleased ; 
Napoleon imprisoned whom he pleased, re-established 
the Bastilles, and derided individual liberty, until the 
Commission served merely to £^ve tyranny a kind of 
constitutional appearance. As for the " equality of 
rights," which the Imperial oath was to ** respect and 
cause to be respected," this principle was, in great 
part, sacrificed, as were the others, to Napoleon's' am- 
bition, which established a new hereditary nobility. 

It is thus no exaggeration to say that this Constitution 
was not applied, so far as it maintained some of the 
principles and results of the Revolution. 


We have seen that it was the government of the 
Republic which was confided to an Emperor ; and in 
the formula of promulgation of the laws. Napoleon 
had to style himself ** Emperor, by the grace of God 
and the Constitutions of the Republic." ^\^lat was to 
be understood by this word Republic? On the loth 


of Frimaire of the year XIII the president of the Senate, 
Francois (of Neufchfiteau), while felicitating the Em- 
peror upon the results of the plebiscite on the subject 
of heredity, stated that this result " brought the vessel 
of the Republic « into port." And he cried : ** Yes, 
Sire, of the Republic I This word might hurt the ears 
of an ordinary monarch. Here the word is in its right 
place, before him whose genius has made us rejoice 
in the thing itself as the thing itself can exist for a great 
nation." To desire the establishment of the ** pure 
Republic," the '* Republic properly so called," that is to 
say, democracy, would be to prepare " fetters for the 
future " ; for with the mass of the people as ignorant 
as they are, liberty and democracy are so mutually in- 
consistent that the genius even of Napoleon would be 
unable to reconcile them. Francois would endow the 
Republic with the advantages of the monarchy (as for- 
merly d'Argenson wished to infuse into the monarchy 
all the good qualities of the republic), and, commenting 
upon the Emperor's oath, he finds therein the guarantees 
of a ** representative State." Napoleon replied with 
a despot's brevity : 

" I am moanting the throne to which I have been called by the 
unanimous dcfsires of the Senate, the people, and the Army ; with a 
heart full of consciousness of the great destinies of this people, which, 
from the midst of camps, I was the first to salute with the name of 

and so forth. He spoke neither of liberal guarantees 
nor of the Republic. 

This word distressed and obsessed him. He deter- 
mined to be rid of it ; but little by little, timidly, by 
successive omissions, as his victories gave him the 
strength and courage to do so. 

' Mme. de R^musat writes in her Minunres (vol. i. p. 375) : "One 
dared no longer utter the word republic, so soiled it was by the 
Terror ! " Another example of the constructive memory I 

* m- 

\zL I ?C4- afi»r the En:^^r^ w^s r?»a^"-^^ 

a.t*ii ar icast occe =>:rcL aoc ocIt the fcsdral of 
t ix'b of r-jlr '-r:t tiai of tbe r*^^-*^^"-^"*^ of the 
R-^ni'-Iyr.s In i ?S5 tbtre »a5 =0 iscgrr any qocstkxi 

Tbe Emipac'er s^amp. tip to Etecrrr.brr 31, 1805, 
bore tLe legend RfpmbL'qme frmmfmsr. The seal of 
State was altered scooct ; the law of the 6ch of 
PlmriSse of tbe year XIII erased all repablican symbok. 
In tbe phrasing of decrees. Napoleon often spoke of 
himself as Emperor by the Comstitmtioms of the Re- 
pmblic^ as late as >IaT 2 3, 1 S07. In the formula of the 
promulgation of laws, these words appear for the last 
time in the law of April 29, 1809, concerning the code 
of ciWl procedure- After this we have Napdeou by 
the grace of God and the Constitutions . • . 

But the Emperor dared not take any direct and final 
measure against the use of the word ** republic." Only 
after the meeting at Erfurth (in September-October, 
1808;, when Alexander and he mutually guaranteed 
the submission of Europe, did he feel himself sufficiently 
powerful to abolish the last vestige of the Republic, by 
the decree of October 22, 1 808, which was worded thus : 
** The moneys which will be struck from January i, 
1 809, onwards will bear as legend, on tlie reverse side, 
the words : Empire fran^aiSy instead of the words 
Ripuhlique frangaise** No one noticed this decree ; 
the word ** republic," formerly regarded by the people 
as a talisman of victory, was forgotten ; replaced in 
the imagination of the French by the name of Napoleon, 
another talisman of victory. 

' The Moniteur gives no account of this celebration ; but the Gazette 
de France speaks of the illuminations and the concert which took place 
on this occasion. The Emperor and Empress were at Mayence. 
In a letter of the nth of Fruciidor Fortalis proposed that the Emperor 
iihould suppress this festival. We see that it was still celebrated on 
the 1st of Vendimiaire of the year XIII. 



In this manner^ after an existence^ actual or nominal^ 
of nearly sixteen years (from September 22, 1792, to 
December 31, 1808), the first French Republic, which 
during its democratic period had gloriously performed 
such mighty deeds, had the singular fortune of disap- 
pearing from history almost furtively, as it had come 
into being. 

If I have traced the exact point of history at which 
the word " republic " « disappeared, it was not through 
idle curiosity. As long as this word endured there were 
certain limits to despotism ; and the despot felt himself 
obliged to keep within a certain measure ; in short, to 
appear reasonable. Once the word was erased there 
was practically no restraining memory of the Revolution 
left ; practically no rein to the caprices of his genius ; 
and it is, perhaps, no exaggeration to say that from 
that time his tyranny became as insane as it was 


We are now at the end of this narrative, which is 
long if measured by the number of its pages, but appears 
curtailed when we consider the number of facts that 
have perforce been omitted altogether, or else abridged 
in order that they might be introduced. These four 
volumes are only a sunmiary. 

To sum up this simimary, to abridge still further 
this abridgment, according to that classic custom, under 
the title of conclusion — what is to be gained by it? 
Would it not be useless and pedantic thus to repeat 
oneself? Besides, I have already explained my inten- 
tions, method, and plan in my Preface, and will ac- 
cordingly spare the reader such repetitions. 

Had I had a historical thesis to sustain, or a train of 

« Sec in the Revue bleue of January 15, 1898, my article entitled : 
Quand disparut la premiere Rlpubliquef 


reasoning to develop, in order to demonstrate the truth 
of a proposition, a logical conclusion would have been 
necessary. But I have merely attempted to narrate, 
objectively, and without any preconceived idea, the 
political history of the Revolution from the point of 
view of the origin and the development of democracy 
and the Republic. 

Another kind of conclusion would consist in drawing 
from the past, as I have presented it, lessons to be 
applied in the future. I will attempt no such teme- 
rarious pedantry. It is for my readers, if they think 
it possible and profitable, to extract these lessons for 
themselves ; each according to his political tendencies 
and his turn of mind. I am content to have uncovered 
certain facts ; let them speak for themselves. 

I wish merely, in a very few words, not to write a 
conclusion nor a sununary, but to suggest a few ideas 
which are too general in their nature to have foimd a 
fitting place at any particular point of the narrative, 
but which disengage themselves only from the whole 
mass of facts. 

I . It is a mistake to say that the French Revolution 
was effected by a few distinguished individuals, by a 
few super-men. I admit, if you will, that it was a 
soldier of genius who finally succeeded in disorganis- 
ing the political structure. But I believe that no 
individual emerges from the history of the ten years 
between 1789 and 1799 as the master of events : 
neither Louis XVI, nor Mirabeau, nor Danton, nor 
Robespierre. Can we say that the French nation was 
the hero, the true super-man of the French Revolution? 
Yes ; if we see the French people not as a multitude, 
but in a condition of organised groups. Take, for 
example, the really decisive facts ; those which in- 
dubitably influenced events ; and first of all the capital 
fact, the taking of the Bastille and the municipal revolu- 
tion which followed. It will be found no easy task 


to cite the name of a single individual who appears to 
have played, in the formation of the new France in 
July and August, 1789, a preponderant part. What 
do we see? That Frenchmen organising themselves 
into groups of a municipal type grouped them- 
selves into communes ; these communes became con- 
federated into a nation ; but a new nation, bom of a 
spontaneous movement of fraternity and reason. Then 
take the insurrection of August 10, 1792, which, 
changing the destinies of France, overthrew a throne 
that had stood for centuries, and founded democracy. 
It was anonymous and national. It was the work 
neither of Danton nor of Barbaroux, but of the Federals 
of Marseilles and Brest, and the Parisian National 
Guards. Who saved the nation when it was attacked 
by the King and torn by civil war? Was it Danton? 
Robespierre? Carnot? Certainly these individuals were 
of service ; but as a matter of fact unity was main- 
tained and independence assured by the grouping of 
the French into communes and popular societies. It 
was the municipal and the Jacobin organisations that 
drove back Europe in coalition. Yet in each group, if 
we look closely, there are two or three men of superior 
capacity, who, whether leaders or led, execute decisions, 
and have the appearance of leaders, and may be called 
leaders, but who (if, for example, we read the prods- 
verbaux of the people's clubs) seem to draw their 
power far more from their groups than from themselves . 
In order to arrest the Revolution Bonaparte dissolved 
these groups. Then there were citizens no longer ; 
there were only individuals. 

2. The Revolution was realised only partly and for 
a time. It was even suspended, and appeared to be 
abolished, during the rule of Napoleon I ; at least, 
from 1808 to 1 8 14. Why? — because the French people 
was not sufficiently educated to wield its own sove- 
reignty. To educate the people was the true political 


and social programme of the republicans : of the group 
leaders pf whom I have spoken. To prevent the people 
from learning or reasoning : such was one of the 
principal articles of the political and social programme 
of Napoleon Bonaparte when he became a despot. 

3. It has been said that the generation which per- 
formed such great and such terrible deeds was a gtenera- 
tion of giants ; or^ to be more literal, that it was a more 
competent and remarkable generation than that which 
preceded it or that which followed. This is a retro- 
spective illusion. The citizens who formed the various 
groups, whether municipal, or Jacobin, or national, by 
which the Revolution was effected, do not seem to 
have been superior either in talent or in enlightenment 
to the Frenchmen of the time of Louis XV or that of 
Louis-Philippe. As for those whose names have been 
preserved by history because they appeared upon the 
stage of Paris, or because they were the most brilliant 
orators of the various revolutionary assemblies — were 
they exceptionally gifted? Mirabeau, to a certain ex- 
tent, deserves to be called a tribime of real genius. 
But the others — Robespierre, Danton, Vergniaud, for 
instance : had they really greater talent than our 
speakers of to-day for example? In 1793, in the time 
of the so-called ** gfiants," Mme. Roland wrote in her 
Mi moires: "France was as though drained of men; 
their rarity in this revolution is truly an astonishng 
thing ; there were practically none but pigmies." This 
b the contrary illusion ; that of which contemporaries 
are commonly the dupe ; that of which we ourselves 
are doubtless the dupes in the present year of grace ; 
the pessimist's illusion. The generation of 1789 and 
1793 was neither superior nor inferior; it was an 
average generation. Perhaps we may safely say that 
when first the guillotine and then proscription had 
deprived it of its most distinguished individuals it fell 
somewhat below the average ; and that this was one 


of the circumstances which allowed Bonaparte to 
dominate it and cast it into slavery^ and to destroy the 
groups that the death or exile of their leaders had 
already disorganised. 

4^ It seems to me that the facts assembled in this 
book deprive the words : the French Revolution of 
their equivocal meaning. People used to denote, by the 
same phrase^ both the principles which constitute the 
French Revolution and the actions consistent Math those 
principles, and the period during which the Revolution 
was effected, with all the actions, consistent with or 
in contradiction to those principles, performed during 
that period. This confusion was as harmful to the 
truth as it was useful to the supporters of the 
retrograde policy, as it allowed one to attribute to 
the Revolution, considered as a sort of historical per- 
sonage, the most grievous or even the most anti- 
revolutionary laws or actions. For example, could 
there have been a more anti -revolutionary action than 
the execution of the H6bertists and the Dantonists? — 
or the suppression of universal suffrage in the year III? 
This does not prevent people from saying glibly : *' The 
Revolution killed Hubert and Danton ; the Revolution 
abolished democracy.*' This abusive manner of speak- 
ing — *• The Revolution did or didn't do so-and-so *' — 
has had the result that many people see in the Revolu- 
tion a kind of incoherent power ; capricious, violent 
and sanguinary. It has been attempted thus to dis- 
credit the very principles of the Revolution ; especially 
by the pains and to the profit of those who regard these 
principles as sataniCy and who would govern society by 
the reverse of these principles. For the rest, all the 
political parties of the nineteenth century have pleaded 
their cause by means of arguments drawn from anything 
or everything that happened between 1789 and 1799 ; 
and these facts, taken at random or ingeniously selected, 
they have called the French Revolution. Now, I fancy. 


matters are clearer ; the Revolution consists in the 
Declaration of Rights drafted in 1789 and completed in 
1793, and the attempts made to realise that declaration ; 
the counter-Revolution consists in the attempts made 
to prevent the French from acting in conformity with 
the principles of the Declaration of Rights ; that is 
to say, according to reason, elucidated by history. 

The French Revolution is, so to speak, a political, 
social, and rational ideal, which Frenchmen have at- 
tempted partially to realise, and which historians have 
attempted to confound either with its application, often 
incoherent, as far as it was effected, or with the events 
provoked by the very enemies of that ideal, with a view 
to abolishing or obscuring it. This book will, I hope, 
have contributed to dissipate this dangerous ambiguity. 

5. The Imperial despotism arrested the Revolution, 
and marked a retrogression towards the principles of 
the ancien rigime; provisionally abolishing liberty and 
partially abolishing equality. But they were rather the 
political results of the Revolution than the social which 
were thus suppressed. The possession of national pro- 
perty ; civil laws drawn up according to a code less 
equalitarian than that which the Convention had con- 
ceived, but infinitely more humane and more reasonable 
than that of the ancien rigime^ and which had the 
further advantage of being the same for all France ; the 
employment of revolutionary laws concerning inherit- 
ance ; and all this code impressed upon nearly the 
whole of Europe — in this manner was the Revolution 
maintained in its social results, and this it is that 
explains why, after its fall, when these results were 
contested by the returned royalists, that very Napoleon 
Bonaparte who disorganised the political work of the 
Revolution as completely as he possibly could, appeared 
to be, and was able to call himself, " the man of the 




Tie names of authors quoted in the course of this worh are in italics 

Abrial, appointed Minister of Justice, 

iv. 169 
AdvieUe^ iv. 32 n 

Aelders (Mme.), feminist, i. 2^ 233 
Agier, iii. 266 
Aigon, i. 302 

Aiguillon (Mme. d'), iv. 182 
Albert, elected Elder, iii. 342 
Albitte, tried with Romme and escapes, 

iii. 139; 140; 246 
Al^e (d*), writes to Comte d'Artois, 

iv. no 
Alexander the Great, iv. 181 
Alexander I., iv. 276 
Alibert, accused of Babeuvism, iv. 


Allier, D., seizes Pont Saint-Esprit, 
iv. 109 

Alquier, member of Committee of 
General Security, ii. 232 

Amar, ii 62 », 69 i», 217, 223 ; member 
of Committee of General Security, 
232, 233, 245 ; accuses the 65 Giron- 
dists ; iii. 46, 121 ; arrested, 200 ; 
213 If, 214 M, 244; iv. 39; ac- 
quitted, 45 

Amyon, iii. 40 

Andign^ (d'), attempt on Nantes, iv. 

Andr^ (Loste), condemned to deporta- 
tion, iv. 87 

Andri^ Ferd.^ m. 369 n 

Andr6 (d'), moves that decrees be 
executed without the royal sanc- 
tion, i. 267; 272, 276, 316, 324, 

330. 343 
Andrei, ii. 222 n\ iii. 40 

Andrieux, iii. 342, iv. 172 

Anthoine, i. 311, 318 it, ii. 63 if, 103, 

127 ; on Committee of Constitution, 


Antiboul, iii. 40 ; one of the " Twenty- 
Two,*' 121 

Antonelle, iv. 37 ; implicated with fia- 
beuf, 39; acquitted, 45; 120, 156, 

Antraigues (d*), i. 98 

Aoust (d'), ii. 222 n 

Ar^a, said to have threatened Bona- 
parte, iv. 148 ; 150, 156 ; guillotined, 

Argenson (d'), L 83, 89 n, 97, 97 ». 
100, loi, 117, i7oi», iv. 275 

Amould, elected Elder, iii. 342 

Arsandaux, L 202 

Artois (Comte d'), his influence on 
Louis, i. 134, 137, a62, ii. 310, 311 ; 
lands on He de Yeu, iii. 250; re- 
embarks, iv. 47; no; organises 
insurrections, 112 ; 261, 262, 263 

Asselin, iv. 40 

Aubert, iii. 342 

Aubert-Dubayet, iii. 325, 362 

Aubin, i. 235 n 



Aubry, iii. 40, 21$ n, 216 n; con- 
demned to deportation after the 1 8th 
Fructidor^ vr. 86; dies a fugitive, 

Audtbert, ii. 43 n 

Audouin, Xavier, Member of Rerolu- 
tionary Commune, ii. 75 ; of Com- 
mittee of Gcneial Security, 231, iii. 
83, 270 ; accused of Babeuvism, vr, 
I20it; 131 

Audrein (Abb^, later Bishop), ii. 
322 n, iiL 258 ; iv. 91 ; murdered by 
Chouans, 188 

Auger, Athanase, i. 350 

Augereau (General), iii 359; Bona- 
parte's agent in Paris, iv. 84; 85, 

131. 136, 149. 24*. aso 
Augereau (Citizeness), iv. 69 

Auguis, iii. 153, 214 m 

Auhrdt i. 961*, 1341*, iv. 277 

Aumont, ii. 320 n 

Autichamp (d'), attempts to surprise 

Cholet, iv. 113; signs armistice, 166 

Auvrest, iii. 77 n 

Avian (Mgr. d')» iv. 74 

Aym^, J.-J., iii 353 ; iv. 54, 86, 87 n 

Az^ma, iii. 21 2 If 

Babey, iii. 40 
Babeuf, i. 159, x6o, iii. 139, 243, 24311, 

311, iv. 30, 34; conspiracy and 

arrest, 38, 39, 42, 42 m ; trial and 

execution, 44, 45 ; 47, 52, 118, 119, 

I20» 131 
Babeuf (Vve.), imprisoned, iv. 188 
Bach, iv. i2Xit, 131 n 
Baden (Margrave oO» iv. 49 
Bailie, Pierre, ii. 11311 
Baiileu, P,, iv. 263 n 
Bailleul, iii. 40, 59, 64, loi if, 214 m, 

289, 354, iv. 84, 118. 121, 172, 190, 

247, 247 « 
Bailly. i. 308, 313 n, 317, 351 n, ii. 222 

If, 21411 
Bancal des Issarts, i. 238, 280 if, 283, 

300 ; iii. 40, 46, 49 », 56 
Bar, Jean-Etienne, ii. 3x5; iii. 212 if 

Bar, Philippe, iv. 93 

Bara, iiL 187 

Barailoo, iv. 143 

Banrnte (de), i 172 if, 195 if 

Barbaroux, ii. 113, xjoif, 136 if, 138, 
161, x6x If, 236 ; iiL 32, 35, 38, 40, 
42 ; adumbrates law of suspects, 49 ; 
53 ; character, 67 ; forms Marseillais 
battalion, 96 ; votes for Louis' death, 
99; arrested, 111-12 ; escapes, and 
foments dvil war, 115; guillotined, 
X23; 135; iv. 279 

Barb^-Marbois, iiL 354, 3^9; iv. 54, 
87, 87 If, 170 If 

Bar^re, L 147, 152 if, X53if, x66, 170, 
175 M, 190 If, 191, 192; his republi- 
canism, 21 1 If, 259 If ; 303 ; ii. 143 if ; 
161, 171, 183, 188, 194, 210, 222 If, 
223, 236-42, 247 ; proceeded against, 
249 ; 250, 252, 262, 279 ; declares 
all nobles suspect, 288; 294; iii. 
47; responsible for death penalty 
against supporters of agrarian law, 
73. 75* 106. >o7». "o, XIX, 113 If, 
130. 134. 138. 159. 167, 187, 188 If, 
193-7. 205, 208, 209, 214, 2x5; 
upholds the Revolutionary Tribunal, 
231-2 ; 237 ; denounced, 242 ; in 
danger of deportation, 244; 270; 
election declared void, 339 ; 353 ; iv. 
135 > supports the Consulate, 156 ; 
proscription removed, 167 ; 246 

Bamave, L 88 if, 8911 ; 165, 166 ; leads 
Louis captive back to Paris, 265; 
praises monarchy, 274; 278, 316, 
326, 327, 353 If, 356 

Barras, iL 222 if; 224; appointed 
commander-in-chief of Paris in 
TkermubTf iii. 200 ; 214 m, 222 ; at 
head of "Dandies," 237, 240; ap- 
pointed military dictator with Napo- 
leon in VemUmiaire^ 251 ; appointed 
dictator, 325, 358, 361 ; 36411 ; has 
a critic thrashed, 38 x ; regarded as 
royalist, iv. 35 

Barret, Charles, iv. 93 

Barruel-Bauvert, article on Bonaparte, 

iii. 379 



Borthe, i. 320 

Barth^lemy, appointed Director, iii. 
359 ; 3^ J »v. 54 ; forced to retire, 

Basire, i. 340, 345 ; iL 145, 148 ; de- 
mands national jury, 190 ; 194 ; vice- 
president of Committee of General 
Security, 231 ; 232, 297 ; iu. 32, 74, 

75. 99. 151 
Bassal, ii. 222 «; member of G>mmittee 

of General Security, 232 

Bassano (Due de), see Maret, Secretary 
of State under Consulate, iv. 170 

Bassville, iil 259 n 

Batz (Baron de), ii 245 

Baudin (des Ardennes), ii. 224, ixL 258, 
276, 28511, 30X, 315. 316. 355; w 
said to die of joy at Napoleon's re- 
turn, iv. 138 

Baudot, iii. 83 

Baudouin de Maisonblandie, L 283 n ; 
iL 276 

Bausset, iv. 201 

Bayard, iv. 86 

Bayle, Moyse, ii. 43 ; member of 
Committee of General Security, 223, 
232. 233 ; iii. 200, 213 n ; iv. 187 

Bayle, Pierre, ii. 11311 

Beauchamp, iii. 212 

Beaugeard, iii. 366 

Beauhamais jun., i. 247 

Beaujolais (Due de), iv. 57 

Beaumez, i. 194 m, 326, 332 

Beaupr^i iv. 143 

Beauvau (Marshal de), i. 145 n 

Becquey, i. 343 

Beffroy, ii. 301 

Bigis, iii. 77 

Belin, iii. 40 

Bellarmin, i. 124 

Bellouguet, iii. 367 

Belloy (de), Bishop of Marseilles, iv. 

B^ntech, ii. 220; iii. 325, 362, iv. 

Bentabole, ii. 163, 224, 270 n 
Bentham, Jeremy, ii. 141 
Banger, iv. 230 n 

Bergoeing, iii. 33, 35, 40 ; accusation 

demanded by St. Just, 116 ; 214 m ; 

refuses oath in favour of Constitution 

in Brumairey iv. 148 
Berlier, ii. 224, 239, 240; iii. 210, 

216 11.275, 276, 291, 342, 355; iv. 

171, 230» 
Bemadotte, iii. 363 ; iv. 128, 139, 143, 

248, 249, 250 
Bernard, i. 235 », 27911, 28111, 316, 

Bernard (of Saint- Affrique), ii. 222 n \ 

iii. 354 
Bernard (of Saintes), ii. 224 ; member 

of Committee of General Security, 

231 ; iii. 34, 139, 208, 21311, 214 » 

Bemier (Abb6), iv. 207, 213 

Bemis (Cardinal de), L 224 

Berry (Due de), iv. 262, 263 

Berthier, iv. 155, 169; commands 
army under Napoleon's Consulate, 

Berthollet, ii. 22011 ; iv. 139 

Bertin, i. 235 n ; iii. 252 n 

Bertnmd, ii. 43 n 

Bertrand de la Hosdini^, iii. 40 

Besson, iii. 177, 178 

Beugnot, i. 80-1 n 

Beumonville, ii. 215; iii. 359; iv. 
136 n ; takes part in amp tffitat of 
Brunudre^ 143 

Bigonnet, iv. 150 

Bigot de Pr^ameneu, iv. 230 

Billaud-Varenne, i. 285, 290, 31211; 
demands a republic, ii. 52 ; appointed 
to Insurrectionary Commune, 75 ; 
loi, 124, 136, 138 ff ; demands 
abolition of monarchy, 148; 151; 
on Committee of Jacobin Club, 163 ; 
185 It, 223 ; on Committee of Public 
Safety, 242 ; 248 ; proceeded against, 
249; 250, 251, 262, 27011, 295; 
iii. 54, 76, 145, 146; denounces 
Danton, 150; 169; joins the con- 
spiracy against Robespierre, 195, 
197. 215, 224, 237 ; denounced, 242; 
deportation decreed, 244 

Birotteau iii. 40 



Blad, iii. 40, 2i6m 

Blain (Boaches-do-Rh6ne), !▼. 86 

Blanc, dies of exdtement mt si^t of 
Loais XVI, S2 

Blancbard, i. 235 n 

BUnchard (AbM), iv. 212 

Blanqtti, iii. 40 ; iv. 46 

Blauz, iii. 40 

Blaviel, iii. 40 

Blin, iv. 149 

Blondeau, iv. 45 

Blutel, iii. 172 

Bo, ii. 272 

Bochet, ii. 221 

Bohan, iii. 40 

Boilleau, iii. 40; trial as one of the 
" Twenty-Two," 121 

Boirot, iv. 56 

Boisguyon, i. 356 n 

Boissy, iv. 56 

Boissy d'Anglas, iL 224; iii. 193; 
persuaded to abandon Robespierre, 
196 ; 215 If, 245, 259. 275, 276, 279, 
280, 294, 305, 310, 324, 354, 374 

Bonaparte, Joseph, iv. 134 «, 140, 269 

Bonaparte, Louis, iv. 269 

Bonaparte, Luden, iii. 355 » elected 
president of Council of 500, iv 
143 ; action in C0up if Hat of Bm- 
fftatrgf 149, 150, 151 ; Minister of 
Interior, 169 ; 184 if ; 264 

Bonaparte, Napoleon, i. 96 if ; ii. 260 ; 
at siege of Toulon, iii. 120 ; disperses 
royaUsts on 13th of yemf/miairt, 
251 ; 266, 314, 350, 370, 379 ; iv. 
34; Italian victories, 49; Directory 
recommends him to ruin Papal 
power, 61, 65 ; invasion of Papal 
States, 77; watches coup ititai of 
Fructiihr, 84; 133, 134, 134 » ; 
returns to Paris, 137; goes to and 
returns from Egypt, 138, 139, 140; 
approached by Sify^, 141 ; deddes 
on coup ^itat of Brumairt^ 142; 
prepares for same, 143, 146 ; the 
coup d^itat^ 147-50; Constitution 
reformed, 158-68 ; as Consul, 169- 
77 ; installed in Tuileries, 181, 182 ; 

183; war with Austria, 183, 184; 
attempt on his life, 185; deports 
enemies, 187-9; 190» I9«. I94. 195. 
198, 203 ; diurch policy, 204 ; Con- 
cordat, 205, 210, 212-15, 220-7 S 228, 
229; life-Consulate, 230-40; 242, 
243 ; luxurious state, 244 ; installs 
L^on of Honour, 245 ; 247-62 ; 
has the Due d'Enghien executed, 
263 ; Empire suggested, 264-8 ; the 
plebisdte, 269, 270; declared Em- 
peror, 271-4 ; 275, 276 ; 28o» 282 

Bonaparte (Mme.), iv. 244 

Bonchamps, ii. 307 

Bonet, iii. 40 

Bonnaire, iv. 100 

Bonnay (de), L 152 it 

Bonne-Aventure-Libre (see £g|slit6, 
Orl^uis), ii. 121 

Bonnet, i. 308 n 

Bonnet de Mautry, iL 222 n 

Bonneville, Nicolas, i. 162 m, 245, 
246 », 247 If, 340 ; ii. 118 

Bontoux, iii. 367 

Borda, iii. 359 

Bordas, member of Committee of 
General Security, ii. 231 ; iiL 2x4, 

Borne, iv. 86 

Bouch^, ii. 314 

Boucher de Saint-Sanveur, i. 247 is, 
306, 307 ff, 323, 340 ; iL xoi ; mem- 
ber of Committee of General 
Security, 233 

Bouchereau, iii. 40 

Bouchotte, iL 2x5 ; iv. X3X, x68, 233, 

Bondin, iii. 2x4 if ; iv. X20 

Bougainville, iii. 359 

Bougeart^ Alfred^ iiL 9X 

Bouill^, i. 218, 2x9; to march with 

Louis on Paris, 264; arranges for 

Louis' escape, 265 ; 270 ; threatens 

the National Assembly, 354 
Bouin, found guilty of conspiracy with 

Babeuf, iv. 45 
Bouillerot, iiL 255 
Bottlanger (General), iii. 105 



Boulay (of Meurthe), ii. 22iit ; u. 
334; iv. 71, 81 ; concerned in forc- 
ing Merlin and La Revelli^e to 
resign, 126; 150, 158, 159, 171, 
199 n, 208, 21 IM, 213 If ; appointed 
to Privy Council on eve of Empire, 

Boulogne (Abbe de), iv. 65, 74, 77, 212 

Boulogne, armistice of, iv. 73 

Bouquey, host at Girondist meetings, 

iii. 34 
Bourbeaux, ii. 57 

Bourbon (M. de), ii. 90, 124 ; iv. 249 

Bourbotte, ii. I18 

Bourdon, L^nard, ii. 75; iii. 201, 

Bourdon (of Oise), ii. 224 ; iv. 56 ; 

deportation decreed in FructidoTy 86 ; 

deported to Guiana, 87 n 
Bourdon de Vatry, iii. 362 ; iv. 155 n 
Bourgoin, i. 235 n 
Bourguignon, iii. 363 
Bourmont (de), iv. no; insurgent 

leader under d'Artois, 112; takes 

and evacuates Mans, 113; signs 

armistice, 166 
Bourrienne, secretary to Bonaparte, iv. 

Bouvet de Lozier, iv. 262 

Boyer-FonfrMe, Girondist, iL 195, 223, 
235, 23811; iii. 32, 36 «, 40; 43; 
demands abolition of death penalty 
except for political offences, 50 ; 63 ; 
votes for Louis* death, 99; 10311; 
trial and execution, 12 1-2 

Boze, iii. 63 

Brandenburg, ii. 124 

Br^ard, ii. 223; on Committee of 
Public Safety, 236-40; iii. 209, 
21511; elected Elder, 324; Presi- 
dent, 254 ; iv. 168, 172 

Bresson, iii. 40 

Breton, i. 235 n 

Brienne, i. 106 

Briffant, iv. 120 

Briot, iv. 75, 119, 138, 150, 156 

Brissot, one of the founders of the 
Republic, i.86 ; editor of the PatrioU, 

164 ; 170 ; recommends a Republic, 
224 ; relations with Mme. Roland 
and the Roberts, 254-5 ; 27 m, 273, 
280; his policy, 288, 289 ; 31 x, 323, 

340. 345. 353. 356-^ ; stiU advises 
liberal monarchy, ii. 65 ; prefers 
suspension of royalty, 70, 71 ; 74 ; 
professes hatred of monarchy, 96; 
opposed to Robespierre, 99, 100; 
loi, X18, 126; secretary to the 
Convention, 145 ; 148, 153 ; on 
Committee of Constitution, 161; 
177 ; Committee of General Defence, 
235 ; of Public Safety, 236 ; press 
destroyed, 281 ; a leader of the 
Giroftde, iii. 32-40; does not con- 
fess on scaffold, 43 ; 45-8 ; federal 
policy. 53 «; « party leader, 58; 
character, 59-63; expelled from 
Jacobins, 72 ; 93, 97, 98 ; votes for 
Louis' death, 99 ; 106 ; arrested with 
the '* Twenty-Two," 112; escapes 
to raise the provinces, 115; trial, 
121 ; execution, 122 

Brival, ii. 83 n ; member of Committee 
of General Security, 231, 232; iii. 

Brocheton, i. 235 n 

Brothier (deputy), iv. 102 n 

Brottier (Abb^), iii. 379; royalist 
agent, iv. 50 ; 52 ; deported to and 
dies in Guiana, 87 

Bruirette, L 320 

Bruix, iii. 362 

Brulart de Sillery, ii. 222 

Brune, L 311, 318 », 3x9, 320, 340; 
iiL 327 ; victory in Holland, iv. 1 14; 
13611, 140, x66, 17X, 248, 249 

Brunet, ii. 2x9 

Brunswick, Duke of, effect of his 
Manifesto, ii. 59 ; suggested as 
candidate for French throne, 6211; 
87, 96 ; Carra*s indiscreet praise of, 
123-4 ; X25 ; iiL 57, 77, 106 

Brutus, ii. X04 ; iv. i8x 

Bry, Jean de, ii. 77, 103;!, x6l n, 17X, 
223, 231, 236, 238, 304; iii. 40, 
2X6 n, 354, 370, 375 ; iv. 34, 58, 172 



BucktM, i 105 My 308 M, 3x3 II ; iL 
5311, 100 M ; iv. 41 M, 187 n 

Bochot, ii. 214, 220, 221 n 

Buffon, i. 19 ; ii. 185 

Bttonapute, see Bonaparte 

Buonarroti, iv. 39, 45 

Busot, leader of democratic party, i. 
213; 271 », 274, 316; vice-presi- 
dent of Criminal Court, 324; on 
Committee of Constitution, 326; 
349, it 133 ; speaks attacking Paris, 
182 ; on Committee of Public Safety, 
236; 281, 298 ; a Girondist, iii. 32; 
34) 3S; influence of, and relations 
with, Mme. Roland, 38; 40, 42, 46, 
47 n ; hatred of mob, 48 ; 48 ;f ; 49, 
54 ; character, 66, 67 ; 74, 92 ; votes 
for Louis XVI. 's death, 99; inter- 
view with Robespierre, 102; arrested, 
112; escapes, and opens civil war 
inEure, 115; 116; death, 123 

C (M. de), i. 411 

Cabanis, iii. 342 ; iv. 139, 158, 223 

Cabuchet, iv. 193 

Cacault, iii. 25911 ; iv. 2x1 

Cadoudal, Georges, royalist rebel ; 
surrenders, iv. 47; leader under 
d'Artois, 112; 239 ; engaged in fresh 
conspiracy, 262 ; arrested, 263 ; 264 

Cadroy, iii. 223, 247, 248, 375; con- 
demned by Directory, iv. 86 

Ca&relli, iv. 171 

Cagliostro, iv. 205 

Cahier de Gerville, i. 351 

Cal^s, i. 21411 

Callot, i. 364 

Calon (de), ii. 222 n 

Cambac^r^, ii. 115, 196, 224; on 
Committee of Public Safety, 236; 
238 n ; president of Committee of 
Legislation, iii. 2121* ; 215, 273, 
275* 324t 340» 342; president of 
Elders, 354; 362; Minister of 
Justice under Consulate, iv. 155 »; 

proposed as Second Consul, 163; 
171, 181 «, 184, 190, 205, 228, 230. 
Cambon, i. 302 ; ii. 44, 85, 86 «, 193; 
president of Convention, 223 ; on 
Committee of General Defence, 235 ; 
on Committee of Public Safety, 238, 
240, 252; iii. 73, 102, 11311; pro- 
poses compulsory loan, 135 ; 137 ; 
proposes suppression of expenses of 
public worship, 152, 153, 15311, ^^7* 
187, 196, 244, 253, 253 n ; proposes 
separation of Church and State, 234, 

254 «; 255,260; iv. 247 

Campe, ii. 141 

Camus, i. 190 1»; secretary to Ccm- 
vention, 145 ; member of Committee 
of General Security, ii. 232 ; member 
of Committee of Public Safety, 236 ; 
president of Council of 500, iii 354 ; 

363; iv. I20lf 

Candeille, i. 335 

Canede, i. 235 

Capon, ii. 22X » 

Carbon, accomplice in afiair of the 
"infernal machine" of 1800, exe- 
cuted, iv. 188 

CareUi, iii. 366 

Camot, it 218 ; president of Conven- 
tion, 225 ; on Committee of Public 
Safety, 243 ; military functions, 248, 
349» 250 ; degree of guilt in Terror, 
251, 25xif ; as deputy-commissioner, 
257; 261, 26311; edits journal op- 
posing Robespierre, 285 ; 293 n ; iiL 
I50^ i^»i 189; arrest ordered in 
Tkermidor, 200; 215, 237, 245, 
247 ; nominated Director, 325 ; 358, 
359i 3^m; >▼• 83; scission in 
Directory, 84 ; tempted by royalists, 
85; escapes in Frtutidor^ 86; con- 
demned to deportation, 87 ; 88, 155 ; 
recalled from exile, x66; Minister of 
War, I70« ; 183, 190 ; votes against 
life-Consulate, 234 ; 247 ; opposes 
Empire, 266 ; 279 

Carra. i. 287, 3a3» 347. 35^ ; ii. 38 « ; 
demands suspension of Louis XVI, 



51 ; proposes candidates for throne, 
62 n; converted to republicanism, 
96, 117 ; as royalist, 123 ; frightened 
into change of politics, 124 ; 157 ; 
as Girondist, iii. 40 ; execution, 43 ; 
trial as one of the '* Twenty-Two," 
131 ; 153 

Carr^, i. 104 n 

Carrier, iL 221, 227 ; as deputy on 
mission, 259 ; iiL 147 ; 179-80, 232, 
238; accused in Convention and 
tried for barbarity, 241 

Carteaux (General), occupies Marseilles, 
u, 309; iii. 118, 119 

Casablanca, ii. 222 n 

Caselli (Father), iv. 206 

Casset, iv. 12011 

Castel, iiL 342 

Castellane (Comte de), i. 148, 193 

Castellane (Mme. de), iv. 182 

Cast^ra, iii. 125 

Cathelineau, Vend^ean guerilla, iL 307 

Catiline, i. 223, iiL 58, 197 

Cavaignac, Montagnard, member of 
Committee of General Security, iL 
23i> 232; 317, iii. 162 

CazalH, i. 191 

Cazeneuve (de), ii. 222 if, iiL 40 

Cazin, iv. 45 

Ceracchi, iv. 188 

Cerisier, i. 356 

C^rutti, i. 85, 97 If, 98 

Caesar, iv. 146, 1 81 

Chabaud, iv. 158 

Chabaud-Latour, iv. 26611 

Chabert, i. 23511 

Chabot, Cordelier, member of Consti- 
tuent Assembly, L 340 ; 345 ; ii. 63 if, 
87, 88 ff, 12s, 137, 146, 161, 163, 
189, 222 If; member of Committee 
of General Security, 231 ; 245, iiL 

32. 34. 75. 76, 99. 151 
Chaboud, i. 23511, ^7^ 
Chailleux, i. 235 n 
Chiles, ii. 222 », 244, 273 
Chalier, iii. 108, 125, 163 
Chambon, iii. 35, 40, 98, 123, 223, 247 
Champagne, iiL 342 

VOL. IV. 19 

Champagneuz, iii. 368 ; iv. 70 

Champagny, iv. 171 

Champeaux (de), iv. 216 

ChampioHy Bdmi^ L 11911, 122 » 

Champion de Cic^, Archbishop of Bor- 
deaux, L 144 », 146, 147 

ChapeUin, iv. 100 

Chapelle, iv. 188 

Chaptal, iv. n9 

Charavayt Etienmt L 1x5 M, 32511, 
34IM, iv. 194 «^ 23611 

Charette, iii. 249, 250, iv. 47 

Charlemagne, L 96 

Charles, Archduke, the, iv. 58, iio 

Charles I, of England, i. 359; ii. 

Charles IX, iv. 82 

Charlier, iL 223 

Charrier, ii. 309 

Chartier, i. 235 ; ii. 57 m 

Chartres (Due de), ii. 121 n ; iv. 57 

Chasset, ii. 145 ; iii. 40 ; 354 

Chassey, iii. 36811 

Chassin, ii. 106 it; 306 m, 30711; iv. 
5011, 11511, 25811 

Chastellain, iii. 40 

Chastellet (Marquis de), i. 359 

Chastenay (Mme. de), iv. 24611 

ChaieoMbriasuit L X1311, 115 », Ii7ii, 
142 n ; iv. 81 H 

Chateauneuf-Randon, L 316 n; ii. 
222n; iii. 119, 12411 

Chitillon, iv. iio^ 112, 113, 1x4 

Chauchot, D., L ao7 

Chaudron-Rousseau, iii. 19X 

Chaumette, L 313 ; iL 6011, 75; as 
commissary, 107 ; procurator of 
Commune, iii. 98; 103, 145; exe- 
cuted, 149; 157; at installation of 
Worship of Reason, 160, 161, 180, 
X83, 184 

Chaumette (Mme.), iv. 188 

Chaumont, iii. 325 

Chauvelin, iv. 246 

Cniazal, iiL 215, 342, 355, iv. 149, 158 

Chemin, founder of Theophilanthropy, 
iv. 67, 68, 70 ; 198 

ChMer, Andr^, i. 12211 



Cbhuer, Marie-Jo8q)h, i. ifin; U. 
117; president of ConventioQ, 224; 
278 n ; proposes cult of the PatrU^ 
iii. 158; 216 If, 222, 256, 259, 342, 
347 ; president of 500, 334 ; 375 ; 
iv. 63 ; a Theophilanthropist, 69 ; 
I39» 15S; member of Tribunate, 

17a. 247 
Ch^py^ Jan., L 312M 
Chevalier, iv. 188 

Choderlos de Lados, i. 255, 283, 310 
Choquin, L 82 
Choudieu, i. 105 », ii. 45, iiL 244, iv. 

Chrestien, jun., L 235 n 
Chretien, iv. 45 
Ckuqtut, ^., i. 239 
Cicero, i. 87 n^ iv. 181 
Clairval, i. 334 
ClarttU^JuUsy i. 86 it, 16311 
Clarkson, Thomas, ii. 141 
Clauzel, ii. 224, iiL 214 11 
Clavite, L 271 « ; ii. 73, 94, 157. 215; 

^' 33» 34> 5^ ^^^\ arrested with 
the "Twenty-Two," 112; 113; com- 
mits suicide, 123 
Q^mence, iv. 120 
Q^ment, Abb^, iv. 72 
Clement de Rb, ii. 220, iv. 188 
Clermont-Galleruide, iv. 259, 260 
Clermont-Tonnerre, i. 248, 326 
ClooU, Anacharsis, i. 255, 347, 355, ii. 
118, 141, 142, 163, 177, 178; iii. 

53 «» 5^. 64. 73. '45' 148 
Cobourg, iii. 135 

Cochon, i. 316 1», iii. 304; iii. 2x5, 
215 n, 324, 359, 363, iv. 54, 57 

Cocud, iv. 120 

Cofl^, iv. 120 

Coffinhal, i. 13611, iii. 200 

Coigny (de), iv. 182 

Coland-Lasalcette, ii. 22211 

Collard (Mme.), i. 235 

Collombel, iii. 21311, 214^1 360 

Collot d'Herbois, a monarchist at oat- 
sety L 86 ; author of Abmmaek du 
Phr$ G&ardy 342; royalist tone of 
same, 347; ii. 102 m, 1 26 if ; as 

repoblican* 147, 148 n ; on Jaoobm 
Committee, 163 ; president of Con- 
vention, 223, 224 ; becomes member 
of Committee of Public Safety, 242 ; 
248; 249, 262; iii. 75; his massacres 
at Lyons, 120; 139, 140^ 145, 169, 
188 If ; in danger of assassination, 
190 m; his part in Robespierre's 
down&ll, 193, 196, 197, 198 ; arrest 
ordered by Commune, 200; 215, 
237, 242 ; deportation decreed, 244 

Combas, i. 235 ii ; iv. 69 

ComU^ AtigmsUf L 253 

Cond^, iiL loi ; iv. 181, 262 

Condorcet, not a republican, i. 84* 98 ; 
finvours Provincial Assemblies, 108; 
fears uneducated populace, 120, 131 ; 
converted to popular sufirage, 201, 
208, 209; 213 ; a feminist, 231, 232; 
273, 292, 295, 296, 297, 298 ; elected 
to second Assembly, 340, 341 ; still 
finvourable to monarchy, 342; 347, 
353; republican leader, 359 ; ii. 73, 
74; declares himself repablican, 
96; hostile to the Commune, iDi; 
Ii8» 1 18 If, 123, 145; member of 
Committee of Constitution, 161 , 164, 
169 If , 170 ; fiuls to support feminism, 
173 ; 179 ; proposal for Constitution 
defeated, 183; 186; 222 if ; vice- 
president of Convention, 223, 234, 
239 ; a Girondist, iii. 33. 34, 3^, 40, 
4^1 47i 50; Mme. Roland's opinion 
of, 66if ; 68, 69, 70, 71, 73, 85, 87, 
88, 91 ; not in favour of Louis* death, 
99; arrest decreed for criticising 
Montagnard Constitution, 116; trial 
(one of the "Twenty-Two") and 
execution, 121, 122 ; 284, 314 

Consalvi (Cardinal), iv. 207, 211 

Constant, Benjamin, iv. 84, 115, 116, 
117; member of Tribunate, 172; 
deprived of seat, 190 ; 247 ; exiled, 
251, 25111, 252 If 

Conte, Ch.^ iv. 167 n 

Conti, i. 284 If 

Corbel, iii. 40 

Corbieni, i. 235 



Coichand, iv. 69 

Corday, Charlotte, iii. 68 ; kilb Karat, 

Connatin, iii. 299 

Corneille, i. 99 

Comet, president of Council of Eldersy 
iu* 355 ; appointed inspector of Hall 
of Council, iv. 143 ; part in emp diiat 
o{ Brumairet 144 

Comudet, president of Council •f 
Elders, iii. 355 

Corre, iL 48 if, 107 n 

Coucheri, condemned to deportation in 
Fructidory iv. 86 

Coupard, iii. 355 

Coup6 (of Oise), ii. ^2^n\ iii. 224 

Coupp^ (of C6tes-du-Nord), member of 
Committee of General Security, ii. 
231 ; iii. 40 

Coumaud (Abb^), socialist writer on 
*' agrarian law,'' i. 229 ; 236 n 

Courtois, member of Committee of 
General Security, iii. 21411; of 
Council of Elders, iii. 324 ; president 
df same, 354 ; inspector of Hall in 
Brumairti iv. 142 

Coustard, iii. 40 

Couthon, i. 343, 344; pronounces 
against royalty, ii. 146 ; on Com- 
mittee of Constitution, 163 ; 185, 
193 ; president of Convention, 223 ; 
on Committee of Public Safety, 239, 
240, 242, 247, 248, 262, 286; iii. 
91, 107; moves the arrest of the 
"Twenty-Two," 112; takes part in 
blockade of Lyons, 119; begins 
demolition of Lyons, 120; 168; 
announces decadal festival, 182 ; 
187, 188 91, 189 ; still loyal to Robes- 
pierre, 192; arrested on 9th of 
Tktrmidor^ 199; escapes to H6tel 
de Ville, 200; guillotined, 202, re- 
placed on Committee of Public Safety, 
208; 20991 

Crachet, iv. 120, 12091 

Crassons, president of Council of 500, 

iii- 354 
Creniire, i. 149 

Crepin, i. x5oii 

Crestin, ii. 64 

Cretin, L 23591 

Creton, L 12091 

Creuz^-Latouche, iii. 2x591; member 
of the *' Commission of Seven,'* 273 ; 
of the "Commission of Eleven," 
276 ; president of Council of Elders, 
354; of Council of 500, 355; a 
Theophilanthropist, iv. 69 

Crevelier, iv. 1 19 

CriUon (de), iv. 182 

CromweU, L 296, 356, 357, 35S, 359 

Cur^, proposes, in Tribunate, that 
Bonaparte shall be declared Em* 
peror, iv. 265 

Cusset, executed after Grenelle con- 
spiracy, iv. 46 

Cussy, iii. 40 


Dabray, iii. 40 

Dafin, i. 235 n 

Daillet, ii. 220 

Daire^ i. 123 

Dalbarade, ii. 214, 220 

D'Alembert, L 341 

Dalphonse, iv. 148 

Dambray, iii. 323 

Danjon (Abb6), L 229, iiL 366; a 
Theophilanthropist, iv. 69 

Dansard, Claude, i. 234 

Danton, L 86, 1 10 ; a royalist agitator, 
164 ; 245 ; denounces King's ad- 
visers, 278; 280; proposes elective 
executive Council, 282 ; 283, 284 91, 
288; inclines towards republicans, 
309, 310; draws up petition to 
Assembly demanding abdication, 
312 ; 313 ; rumour that he is to be 
appointed " tribune of the people," 
319 ; 3«>, 323, 324, 340 ; implores 
Federals not to leave Paris, ii. 51, 
52, 6oif; Minister of Justice, 72; 
73 ; real head of Provisional Execu- 
tive, 74 ; 76, 82 ; opposed to the 
Girondins, 99; does not declare 
himself a republican before the Con- 



ventkni assembles, xoo n, loi n ; 
120 ; suspected of Orl^anism, 122, 
123 ; rumours of a triumvirate, 136 ; 
ridicules the idea, 146; his motioa 
on the "unity and indivisibility of 
the Republic," 153; member of 
Committee of Constitution, 161 ; of 
Jacobin Committee, 163 ; 164 it ; 
17 In; against interference with other 
Powers, 178 ; 180, 181 ; seeks to 
impose Montagnaxd Constitution in 
time to prevent Paris from attacking 
the Girondists, 184 ; 188; in &vottr 
of religious tolerance, 198 ; his dic- 
tatorship feared, 202; 214; 21711, 
218 ; president of Convention, 223 ; 
235 ; member of Committee of 
General Defence, 236; of Committee 
of Public Safety, 238 ; 239 ; in charge 
of foreign affidrs, 240 ; his pre- 
ponderance on the Committee, 241 ; 
excluded from it, 242 ; re-appointed, 
refuses to sit, 242 ; recommends a 
Committee of Execution, 243 ; arrest 
signed by the two ''Government 
Committees," 245 ; 246 ; order for 
his arrest, 231 ; 279 ; the Danton 
press ceases after his death, 282 ; 
liberty of speech disappears, 283 ; 
establishes the Revolutionary Tri- 
bunal, 285 ; attempts to relax the 
grasp of the Terror, 294 ; iiL 31 ; 
his opinion of the Rolands, 38 ; 43, 
47 ; accused of September massacres, 
52 ; saves Roland from arrest, 57 ; 
64; Mme. Roland's judgment of, 
66; 66 », 68, 73 ; does his best to 
check September massacres, 74 ; 75 ; 
laments September, 78 ; rumoured a 
possible triumvir, 79 ; disowns Marat, 
So ; 83, 87 ; Danton 's policy one of 
conciliation, and formation of a strong 
and enlightened coalition party, 88 ; 
does not believe in immortality ; has 
no fixed system, 89 ; against interfer- 
ence with other nations ; an opportun- 
ist in best sense, 90 ; his position, 91 ; 
91 ff ; 92 ; attempt at conciliation, 

92 ; Condoroet's admiration for, 94 ; 
Marat's opposition, 95 ; 99 ; further 
attempts at conciliation, 100, loi , los, 
106, 107 ; 107 If ; at time of insurrec- 
tionary Commune, 109; indignation 
at demand for arrest of the " Twenty- 
Two," III; 112, 113; accused of 
Orl^mism, 113M; 114* "S* ex- 
cluded from Committee of Public 
Safety, 1x6 ; his fell, 117 ; in moder- 
ate opposition, 144; 145; Robes- 
pierre fears his rehabilitation, 146; 
149 ; arrested by Robespierre's con- 
trivance, 150 ; trial, 150 ; his eloquent 
defence, sentence and execution, 
151; «53. 153 «. X65, 196, 198, 
232 ; iniquity of his trial, 241 ; 252, 
253; iv. 115, 251, 278, 279, 287 

Darraoq, iiL 379, iv. 78 n 

Darrignan, iii. 175 m 

Darsy, L 3461* 

Darth^, Babeuvist, iv. 38, 44, 131 

Dartigoeyte, member of Committee of 
General Security, ii. 232, iiL 162, 170 

Daubenton, member of Conservative 
Senate, iv. 172 

Daubermesnil, Theophilanthroplst, iv. 

Danbigny, iv. 120 it 

Dauchy, i. 244, 328 

Datidet, Ermsi^ iv. 115 » 

Dannou, ii. 221 it ; president of Conven- 
tion, 224 ; a Girondist, iiL 40 ; 216 ; 
member of Commission of Constitu- 
tion, year III, 275 ; duef draughts- 
man of proposal, 279; In fevour of 
two biennial Consuls, 30X ; 309; presi- 
dent of Council of 500, 325, 354, 

355; 377. 378. 379; !▼. 158; pro- 
posal for Constitution of year VIII, 
I59i 159"; Constitution caricature 
of plans of Daunou and Si^]r^ 160, 
180, 184 n ; candidate for the Senate, 
190 ; excluded from re-election to 
the Legislature, 191 
Dand, iL 220, 221 it ; member of Com- 
mittee of General Security, 233 ; iii. 
83 ; prepares plan for Festival of the 



Supreme Being, i86, 187; 196; 
survives 7^ermidpr,202 

David, Alex., iiL 21a n 

Dech^zeauz, iii. 40 

Decomberousse, president of Council of 
Elders, iu. 355 

Decr^, iv. 1 7011, 26$ n 

D^ret, i. 235 n 

Dedelay-Dagier, iiL 355 

Defermon, &vours universal suffrage, 
L 184, 185 ; 187, 191 ; president of 
Convention, ii 223 ;. on Committee 
of General Defence, 235 ; a Girondist, 
iiL 40; leaves Committee of Public 
Safety, 216 1»; 267, 310^, 324; 
president of Council of 500, 354 ; 
member of Council of State during 
Decennial Consulate, iv. 171 

Defergues, ii. 214 

Defibux, L 235 H 

Deguaign^, iii. 77 m 

Dejean, iv. 171 

Delacoste, president of Council of 
Elders, iiL 255 

Delacroix, L 345; president of Con- 
vention, iL 223 ; 240 ; arrested, 
251 ; as commissary, 319 ; iii. 83 ; 
on Committee of Public Safety, iii. 
102 ; III; arrested with Danton, 

Delacroix (of Eure-et*Loir), ii. 208; 
appointed to Committee of Public 
Safety, 238 ; iiL 172 

Delacroix, Charles, iii. 308; Minister 
of Foreign Affiurs under Directory, 
325 ; candidate for Directory, 359, 
360, 361; 362; dismissal from 
Ministry, iv. 83 

Delahaye, a Girondist, iiL 40 ; suggests 
Directorial veto, 303; 3041 317^; 
denies royalist peril, 378 ; iv. 81 ; 
condemned to deportation as a 
royalist by the Directory in Fructidor^ 

Delamaie, Girondist, iii. 40 

Delauniy, executed with Danton, iiL 

Delbrel, iv. 148, 156 

Delcasso, ii. 222 

Deledoy, iii. 40, 214 

Delessart, L 351 

Deleyre, iii. 42, 296 

Delmas, suppliant to "Commission 
of Six,'* iL 171 ; president of Con- 
vention, 223 ; member of Committee 
of General Defence, 236 ; of Com- 
mittee of Public Safety, 238 ; assist- 
ant to Danton in war policy, 241 ; iii. 
215, 215 If ; president of Council of 
Elders, 354 ; 358 ; remark to Napo- 
leon at commemoration of Concordat, 
iv. 220 

Demerville, guillotined for remarks 
hostile to Bonaparte, iv. 188 

D6neunier, qualified monarchist, L 
169 ; in &vour of qualified suffrage, 
185, 190, 278; declares right of 
nation to choose form of government, 
330; candidate for Directory, iiL 
339 ; member of opposition in Tri- 
bunate, iv. 172 ; 231 ; given Sena- 
tory of Toulouse, 252 n 

Demosthenes, iii. 61 ; iv. 181 

Demoy, L 313 

Dentzee, ii. 22211 

Dep^re, president of Council of Elders, 

iii- 3SS 
Deperret, one of the '* Valaz^ Com- 

mittee, m. 35 

Derazey, a Girondist, iii. 40 

Demiau, ii. 22 in 

Desaix, hero of Marengo, iv. 184 

Desaugiers, ii. 215 
, Desaunays, ii. 185 

Desbouillons, leader of Brestois Fede- 
rals, iL 48 

Descamps, iii. 40 

Descartes, iii. 158 

Desdiesne, i. 235 n 

D^senfimts (General), iv. 48 

Desfieux, L 307 n 

Desforgues, iiL 113 

Desmoulins, L 87 ; leads the insurrec- 
tion of the Green Cockade, 142 n ; 
his fear of the agrarian law, 162 ; 
perhaps the first republican, 163; 



165 M, x66, 179; in &vottr of univer- 
sal saflBrage, 199, 200; 219, 21911; 
his republicanism echoed, 220; 
24311; drafts a sufihige petition, 245; 
252, 28511, 3^1 » accused, he escapes; 
writ cancelled in &vour of summons ; 
saved by amnesty, 320; 340, 356, 
356 n ; his fiux-about against republi- 
CMxasm, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361 ; u. 
51 ; his attempt to ruin the Gironde 
by accusing it of royaUsm, 147 n ; 
member of Committee of General 
Defence, 236; order for his arrest 
signed by both "Government Com- 
mittees," 245; 251 ; iii. 83, 91, 92. 
1 16 ; expelled from Jacobins, 146 ; 
writ of arrest issued; arrest and 
trial ; trial cut short ; guillotined 
with rest of Dantonbts, 151 

Desmoulins (Mme.), trial of, iii. 183 

Desmousseaux, i. 188 it 

Despinassy, ii. 222 n 

Desponelles, royalist agent, iv. 30 

Dessolle, iv. 230 n 

Destoumelles, demands end of mon- 
archy, it. 40 ; 215 

Destrem, i. 361 n, iv. x 19 ; president of 
the Riunwn of the Manigt, 131 ; 
148 ; ejected from the Lc^lative 
Corps in ^rvmair^, 150; condemned 
to be banished, but order revoked, 
156 ; deported to Guiana after the 
affair of the Rue Saint-Nicaise, 187 

Destutt de Tracy, iv. 223 

Desvieuz, i. 203 n 

Devaisnes, iv. 171 

Deverit^, iii. 40 

Deveie, iii. 36811 

Dherbet-Latour, iii. 366 

Diderichsen, tried and executed with 
the Dantonist " amalgam,'* iii. 151 

Diderot, anti-monarchical but does not 
advocate a republic, i. 83 ; editor 
of the EncychpidU^ 92 n; 97 ; iii. 
185. 189 ; iv. 67 

Diel, i. 235 H 

Dijon Brothers, ii. 57 

Dillon, i. 199 

Domitian, i. 223 

Dondeau, iii. 363 

Doppet, iv. 1 19 

Dormay, iiL 366 

Dossouville, iv. 87, 87 n 

Doublet, iii. 40 

Douloet de Pont^coulant, vL 222 »; 
president of Convention, 924 ; mem- 
ber of Committee of Public Safety* 
iii. 2x6 1* ; president of Council of 

500. 354 ; 376 

Doumere, iv. 86 

Douzon, i. 235 n 

Driaut, L 239 m 

Driye, i. 235 n 

Drouet, member of Committee of 
General Security, ii. 231, 232; 315 ; 
arrested as Babeuvist conspirator, iv. 
38, 39; escapes from prison, 45; 
acquitted, 45 ; a leader of the jR^ 
union of the Manige^ 131 

Drulhe, iL 222 », iv. 78 n 

Dubarran, president of Convention, ii. 
223; arrest ordered by Commune 
in Tkermidor^ iii. 200, 2x311 

Dubayet, ii. 88 it 

Dubois, Alexis (General), iiL 245 

Dubois-Cranc^, elected to Jacobin 
Committee, it 163; president of 
Convention, 223 ; member of Com- 
mittee of General Defence, 235, 
236 ; 238 If ; iii. 83 ; bombards 
Lyons in the Civil War, 1x9; arrest 
ordered by Commune in T^ermidor^ 
200; member of Committee of Public 
Safety, 2x5; recalled to Jacobin 
Club, 224 ; 282 ; Minister of War 
under Directory, 363 ; attacks free- 
dom of Press, 379, 380; iv. X13, 128 

Du Bois du Bais, president of Council 
of Elders, iii. 355 

Dubois (of Vosges), president of Council 
of 500, iii 355 

Dubroeuoq, State messenger, xxL 335 

Dubruel, iv. 655 

Dubusc, a Girondist, iiL 40 

Ducancel, L 31 x 

Ducasse, iii. 175 if 



Duchastel, a Girondist, 40; executed 
as one of the '* Twenty-Two," 121 

Du Chastellet, L 271, 292 

DttchHtel (Gironde), member of Council 
of State, iv, 171 

Duels, iii. 341 

Ducos, Fian^ois, i. 316 ; demands sup- 
pression of all effigies T>f Louis XVI, 
ii. 86; demands abolition of mon- 
archy, 148 ; objects to public voting, 
188 ; objects to taxation of those who 
merely earn living wage, 193; a 
Girondist, 332 ; iii. 36, 40 ; does not 
confess on scaffold, 43 ; recommends 
separation of Church and State, 45- 
46 ; a demi-Montagnard, 63 ; votes 
for Louis' death, 99 ; tried and exe- 
cuted with the " Twenty-Two," 121 

Ducos, Roger, elected an Elder, iii. 
324, 342 ; candidate for Directory, 
360; elected, 361, iv. 126; 127 
accomplice of the ftill of the Directory, 
141, 146; to be appointed Consul, 
'50* 155 i member of Senate, 162 

Ducroisi, proems verbal written to 
Council of Elders, iiL 356 

Dudon (Mme.), ill 33 

Duevis(?), iii. 77 

Dufestel, a Girondist, iii. 40 

Dufour, i. 235 n ; arrested for preaching 
Socialism while *' on mission,*' ii. 
I3^» 133 » candidate for Directory, 
iii. 361, iv. 136 

Dufresne, State Councillor under Consu- 
late, iv. 170 

Dufriche-Valas^, iii. 35 ; a Girondist, 
40, 68 ; tried and executed with the 
"Twenty-Two," 121, 122 

Dugu6 d'Ass^, a Girondist, iii. 40 

Duhem, member of Committee of 
General Security » iii. 231 ; arrested 
in Germimt/f 244 

Duhot, iv. 99, 100 

Dulaure, a Girondist, ii. 40; excuses 
September massacres, iiL 50-51 

Dumas, i. 223 ; iv. 52 ; sentenced to be 
deported in Fnutidor, 87 ; 182 

Dumetz, L 194 

Dumolard, iii. 345 ; president of Council 
of 500, 354 ; accused of monarchical 
schemes, iv. 56; denounces the 
Orl^nists, 58 ; condemned to de- 
portation in Frttctidor^ 86 

Dumont, ii. 276 

Dumont, Andr6, member of Committee 
of General Security, ii. 232 ; anti- 
religious violence, iii. 164 ; a Terror- 
ist, 198, 213 If; 2x4 n\ 215 m 

Dumont, Etienne, i. 31 n ; 138 », 139, 

27111; iii. 33*33**34 

Dumouchet, ii. 97 n 

Dumouriez, selected by Louis as one 
of the Roland ministry, i. 353 ; ii. 
166 If ; subscribes to republicanism, 
157* 15S ; consequences of his treason, 
170 ; 235, 237 ; his reverses lead to 
the policy of sending commissaries to 
the armies, 255 ; royalists revive their 
efforts after his treason, 305, 322 ; iii. 
34; persuades the people that the 
Girondists are with him, 82 ; sup- 
posed to be their tool, 100, 102, 148 ; 
iv. 57 

Dupin, i. 235 H ; il 220 ; a Girondist, 
iii. 40; iv. 91 ; account of Decadal 
festival, 104, 105; 115, 124 

Duplantier, iii. 42, 372; sentenced to 
deportation in Fructidor^ iv. 86 

Duplay, the brothers, Robespierre's 
hosts, acquitted in the trial of the 
Babeuvists, iv. 45 

Dupont, i. 225 

Dupont, Jacob, ii. 222 

Du Pont (Nemours), i. 17011; advises 
property-owners' suflBrage, 185, but 
no such restriction in the case of 
those elected, 189 ; said to have 
proposed Republic in La Rochefou- 
cauld's house, 270 n\ a republican 
anti-Terrorist, iii. 252 if, 280, 346; 
president of Council of Elders, 354 ; 
a Theophilanthropist, iv. 69 

Duport, iii. 362 n 

Du Port, Adrien, i. 52, 169 ; in favour 
of universal suffrage, 184, 185; 



suggests second federtdon of National 
Guards, 271 ; in finvour of monarchy, 
273 ; member of Committee of Con- 
stitution, 326 

Duport-Dutertre, Keeper of the Seal, 
obtains decree authorising him to 
affix it, i. 119, 316 

Duprat, Girondist member of Committee 
of General Security, ii. 231 ; meets 
with '* Valaz^ Committee," iiL 35 ; 
40 ; tried and executed as one of the 
"Twenty-Two," 121 

Duprat, condemned to deportation in 
FrueHdor^ iv. 86 

Dupuis, twice candidate for Directory, 
iii. 360 

Dupuy, member of Committee of Gene- 
ral Security, iL 232 

Duquesnoy, member of Committee of 
General Security, iL 231 ; iii. 140; 
member of emergency commission on 
night of Ptxurialt 245; commits 
suicide at trial, 246 ; iv. 13111 

Durand-Maillane, i. 86; condemns 
royalty, ii. 11311; persuaded to 
forsake Robespierre in order to arrest 
the Terror, iii. 196; member of 
Committee of Legislation, 212 n; 
222, 238, 258; a member of the 
"Commission of Eleven," 275; in 
fiivour of an annual President, 301 ; 

Duroy, iL 239 n ; executed in J^airia/, 

iiL 246 
Dusaulx, a Girondist, iiL 40; 324; 

president of Council of Elders, 

Duval, a Girondist, iiL 40 ; candidate 

for Directorship, 360; Minister of 

Police, 363 
Duval, Charles, iii. 107 it ; 208 ; edits a 

Republican journal, 381 
Duvergier^ iii. 342 n 
Duveme de Presle, a royalist agent, iv. 

50; prisoner, declares Orleans is in 

Pftris, 58 ; condemned to deportation 

in Fructidar^ 87 
Py*^. iii. 366, 367 

Egalit6, iL 121, see Due d'Ori^ans 
Ehrmann, ii. 289 n ; proposes to give 

Directory right of veto, iii. 303 
Elb^ (d*), royalist rebel, iL 307 
Elisabeth (Mme.), ii. 31 x 
Elliot, Sir Gilbert, English commis- 
^ sioner to Corsica, appointed viceroy 
Emery, Abb6, iv. 96 ; advises clergy to 

take oath of fidelity to the Republic, 

89-90 ;aoi 
Emmery, a constitutionalist, iv. 56 ; 

State Councillor, 171, 230 
Enghien (Due d'), murder of, iv. 176 ; 

applauded by the omfriers^ 257 
Epicurus, Robespierre compares Rous- 
^ seau to, iii. 184 
Epremesnil (d*), L 105; reactionary, 

Emouf (General), candidate for Director- 
ship, iii. 359, iv. 136 

Erostrates, i. 273 

Eschass^riaux, nominated to Committee 
of Public Safety, iii. 208-9 ; leaves, 
215 ; against single-chamber Govern- 
ment, 295-6; scheme for electing 
Directors, 302-3, 343 n 

Esgrigny (Abbe d'), royalist agent, iv. 
51 « 

Espagnac (Abb^ d'), condemned with 
the Dantomst " amalgam," 151 

Estadens, iii. 40 

Eymar ( Abb^ d'), moves that the Catho- 
lic be declared the State religion, i* 

44. 169 


Fabre, states that no republican mani- 
festations were visible in the Legisla- 
tive Assembly, i. 347 n ; appointed 
" inspector of the Hall *' by Elders in 
Brumatre, iv. 143 

Fabre d'Eglantioe, L 215 », 323 ; ii. 74, 
75 ; attacks ** friends of property," 
134 ; &vours universal taxation, 193 ; 
member of Committee of General 



Defence, 237 ; of General Security, 
245 ; iiL 75 ; signs Jacobin address 
vindicating Marat, 83; eulogises 
massacres of September, 92 ; arrested 
for embezzlement, 146 ; innocent, 
cannot produce evidence, and is 
executed with Dantontst " amalgam," 

Fabre (H^rault), commissary to army, 

killed in action, iL 257 
Fabre-Fond (General), assists in bum* 

ing heart of Henri IV, iL 321 
Faipoult, Minister of Finance under 

Directory, iiL 325, 363 
Farcot, refused election to Elders, iii. 


Fauche-Boul, iv. 11511 

Fauchet, J. H., ii. 215 

Fauchet, L 162 if, 24911, ii* ^^n, loi, 
118; sufpUant to Committee of 
Constitution, 161 n ; 222 n ; member 
of Committee of General Security, 
231 ; iii. 33 ; a Girondist, 40 ; 43, 
67; one of the " Twenty- Two," 
offers to resign on June 2, 1743, m * 
tried and executed, 121 

Faulcon, F^lix, on contradictory nature 
of caAiers, i, 175 »; iv. 100 

Faure, a Girondist, iii. 40; averse to 
educating people, 290; his opinion 
that the two Chambers should sit in 
different localities, 298 

Fauriil, iv. 231 

Favarty L 99 

Fayau, ii. 121 

Faye, a Girondist, iii. 40 

FayoUe, a Girondist, iiL 40 

F^elon, i. 348 

F^raud, killed and beheaded in the 
Convention on the 1st of Prdirial^ iii. 

a45. 278 
Ferdinand I., iv. 49, 208 

Ferrand, Anthoine de, ii. 305 «, 312 « 

Fenand-Vaillant, iv. 54 ; condemned to 

deportation in Fructidor^ 87 
Ferrant, i. 235 n 
Ferri^es, L 166, 168 » : ridicules idea 

of republic, 272-3 

Ferroux, a Girondist, iii. 40 

Fi^v^ iii. 252 n 

Fiquet, a Girondist, iii. 40 

Flahaut (de), i. 253 

FUtmmermoniy L 103 «, iL 64 

Fleurieu, iv. 53 ; State Councillor under 
Decennial Consulate, iv. 171 

Fleuriot, iL 220 

Fleuriot-Lescot, guillotined on 9th of 
Thtrmider^ iii. 202 

Fleury, Girondist, iii. 40 

Fockedey, ii. 154 

Fontaine, ii. 40^ 

Fontanes, iv. 202 ; appointed president 
of Legislative Corps by Bonaparte, 
253 ; to Privy Council, 265 n 

Forestier, tried with Romme, &c., 
during reaction of Prairiai, iii. 

Forfiiit, iv. 17011 

Foucault-Lardimalie, L 175 m 

Fouche, ii. 222 n ; massacres the Lyons 
rebels, iii. 120; a socialistic resolu- 
tion, 139; efforts at dechristianisa- 
tion, 157 ; arrested by Commune in 
ThermidoTt 201 ; 224 ; Minister of 
Police under the Directory, 363 ; 
391 ; iv. 128 ; his part in the con- 
spiracy of Brumairi, 143, 146; 
Minister of Police under Consulate, 
^SS i 157, 170, 187 ; 192, 193 ; de- 
nounces Catholics, 214 ; Bonaparte 
censures, 214; granted a senatory, 
232 n ; 264 ; member of Privy 
Council, 265 

Fouquier-Tinville, Public Accuser, iiL 
121 ; his indictment of the Dantonists, 
150 ; his trial, 232, 241 

Fourcroy, appointed to Committee of 
Public Safety, iiL 215, 21511; State 
Councillor under Consulate, 171 ; 

Fourier, Joseph, iv. 265 n 

Foumet, L 235 

Foumier-rAmericain, i. 340 

Foumier (Abbe), iv. 194 

Foumier, ii. 57 ; State messenger^ iiL 



Foussedoiret iit 22a 

Fnnqus (Nantes), preadent of the 
Second Assembly, 363 

Francastel, member of Committee of 
Pablic Safety, ii. 239 

Francis II, war declared against, L 
353 ; ii. 124 ; Napoleon declares 
war against, iv. 133 

Fran9ois (Neufchftteau), ii. 106 ; presi- 
dent of Legislative Assembly, 138, 
145 ; a Girondist, iii. 41 ; candidate 
for Directorship, 359 ; elected, year 
V-VI, 360; Minister of Interior, 
362 ; departmental commissary, 366 ; 
iv. 88 ; report on intolerance of 
Catholics, 107-8; member of Con- 
servative Senate during Consulate, 
172; of Privy Council, 26511; ^^ 
view of Napoleon's Empire, 275 

Franklin, Benjamin, i. 1 12-13 

Franqueville, iii. 132 

Frederick the Great, iv. 182 

Frederick- William, i. 31011 if, 347 

Fr^ville (General), iv. 1 12 

Fr^manger, ii. 271 ; a State messenger, 

Fr6ron, i. 31211, 319; hides after the 
affiur of the Champ de Mars, 321 ; 
340 ; his censure of Robespierre, iii. 
192, 194; his arrest ordered by the 
Commune in Tlkermidar, 200 ; 222 ; 
a leader of the ** Dandies," 224; 
attempts to destroy influence of 
ex-Terrorists, 237, 240 ; 271 ; 

Fr6teau, i. 171, 174 

Frey, brothers, iii 151 

Frix-David, iii. 367 

Frochot, iv. 194 

Frontin, i. 196 

Frott6, Louis dc, leads a Nonnan 
(royalist) insurrection, iv. 47 ; 53, 55 ; 
warns d'Artois that France is not 
royalist, no; leads another in- 
surrection in year VII, 112, 113; 
signs armistice, 166 

Fyon, a Babeuvist, iv. 39 ; acquitted at 
trial, 45; iv. 119 

Gaillard, ii. 43 if ; iii. 77 m 


Gallois,iv. 26811 

Gambetta, iii. 90 

Gamon, a Girondist, iii. 41 

Gannuel-Dufresne, i. 23511 

Ganteaume, State Coundllor mider 
Consulate, iv. 171 

Gantois, a Girondist, iiL 41 

Garat, Saint-Etienne*s anti-royalist 
letter to, ii. 98; succeeds Duitoa 
as Minister of Justice, 214; 220 n; 
iii. ioi-2if; 193; president of 
Council of Elders, 355; candidate 
for Directorship, 359-60 ; iv. 138 ; 
member of Conservative Senate, 
172 ; 187, 223 ; opposes life-Consu- 
late, 230 M ; 2461*, 269 n 

Gardien, Girondist, iii. 41 9 executed 
with the ** Twenty-Two," 43 ; 116 ; 
trial and execution, 12 1-2 

Garilhe, Girondist, iiL 41 

Gamier, Germain, candidate for 
Directorship, iii 359, 366 

Gamier (Aube), iii 198 ; member of 
Committee of General Security, 

Gamier (Saintes), member of Com- 
mittee of General Security, iii 232 ; 
releases prisoners at Rochefort, 260 

Gaxran de Coulon, i 245 ; 340 

Garrau, iii 42 

Gasparin (de), ii 22211; membei of 
Committee of Public Safety, 239-40, 

Gaston, a barber, Vend^ean insurgent 
leader, ii. 307 

Gateau, ii. 219 

Gau, iv. 54 ; deported in F^mctithrt 


Gaudin, iv. 155 1» 

Ganltier de Bianzat, i 120 «, 147 ; in 
fiivour of qualified sufiiage, 184 ; 237, 
278, 31 1 ; director of republican 
journal, ii. 57 ; elected to Council of 
Elders, iii. 342; departmental com- 



missary, 366 ; accnsed of Babeuvism, 
!▼. 120 M 

Gauthier (Ain), iii. 31411 

Gay- Vernon, iii. 222 if ; iv. 92 

Goner, liL 25711, 26611; iv. 213 n 

Genevois, member of Committee of 
General Security, iii. 214 n 

G^nissieu, ii 224 ; iii. 135, 265, 340, 
342 ; president of Council of 500, 
355 ; candidate for Directorship, 
360; Minister of Justice, 362; iv. 

Genlis (Mme. de), begs the younger 
Orleans not to put himself forward 
as a candidate for the French throne, 
iv. 57 

Gensonn^, fiivours an aristocratic re- 
public, i. 340 ; advises Louis XVI 
to form a Jacobin Ministry, ii. 64 ; 
85 ; member of Committee of Con- 
stitution, 161 ; puts forward his plan 
for a Constitution, 164; president 
of Convention, 223 ; attends Giron- 
dist meetings, iiu 33, 34, 3Si 41 ; 
fiivours separation of Church and 
State, 45 ; 49 ; demands punish- 
ment of the " Septemberers," 52 ; 
in fiivour of the supremacy of Paris, 
56 ; 63, 6$ ; votes for King's im- 
mediate death, 99 ; put under arrest 
with the " Twenty-Two," H2 ; 1 16 ; 
trial and execution, 121, 122 ; 184 

Geofiiroy, jun.. State messenger, iii. 355 

George III, L iii, 156, 347 

Gerbac, L 312 » 

Gerbert, jun., ii. 153 

Gerle, Dom, i. 15411, I99it 

Germain, a Babeuvist conspirator, iv. 
39 ; trial, 45 

Gervais, ii. 250 

Gibergues, ii. 222 

Gibert-Desmoli^res, iii. 323, 345 ; con- 
demned to deportation in Fruetidor, 
iv. 86 ; dies in Guiana, 87 

Gideon, the prophet, i. 112 if 

Gillet, member of Committee of Public 
Safety, iii. 216 

Gillet, jun., L 30891 

Ginguen^, i 316 n, ii. 220 «, iii. 262; 

candidate for Directorship, 360; 

as Director-General of Public In- 
struction supports Theophilanthropy, 

iv. 70 ; member of Tribunate, 172 ; 

hostile to Napoleon, 223, 247 
Giot, Th.,ii. 103 
Girard, L 235 n 
Girardin, Ren6 de, L 242 
Girardin, Stanislas de, member of 

Tribunate, iv. 172; 1841*, 234, 23811 
Girault, Girondist, iii. 41 
Girey-Dupr6, expelled from Jacobins, 

Girouard, i. 308 n 
Giroux, L 235 n 
Gletzal, iii. 297 ; proch-verbaliste to the 

Council of 500, 356 
Gobel, Bishop of Paris, i. 324 ; iiL 

145 ; resigns his ecclesiastical duties 

at the bar of the Convention, 159 ; 

trial and execution, 183 ; 266 ii 
Godard, J., L 167 n 
Godefroy, iii. 171 
Gcgnet, J., i. 302 
Gohier, Minister of Justice, ii 214; 

member of Council of Elders, 342 ; 

candidate for Directorship, 359, 360 ; 

elected, 361; iv. ii5fi, 126, 128, 

144, 146 
Goislard, Parliamentarian, arrested, L 

Goislard, Mayor of Longny, ii. 206 
Gomaire, ii 222 ; a Girondist, iii. 41 ; 

Gomigeon, iii. 342 

Gonchon, ii 57; spokesman of the 

"men of July 14" and "August 

10," 91 
Goiani, N., ii 141 
Gomeau, elected to Elders, iii. 341 
Gorsas, i 170, 171, 184, 18911, I93» 
193 If, 248, 26811, 27711; objects to 
a republic and supports the Dauphin, 
292, 293 ; ii. 96, 106, 125 ; his press 
destroyed, an early Terrorist measure, 
281 ; a Girondist, iii 41 ; excuses 
the Septemberers, 50; his report of 



Kant's bloody speech, 8i « ; his 

aoooimt of Mint's aoqnittal, 83 ; 94; 

St Just's report demands that he 

shall, with other Girondists, be 

declared a traitor, 116 
Gossain, ii 209 
Goubert, i. 235 u 
Goujon (Oise), i. 343 n 
Goujon (Seine-et-Oise), Minister of 

Foreign Aflbirs, iL 214 ; 215; 215 n; 

sentenced and commits suicide after 

Prairial^ 246 ; iv. 131 n 
Goupil, L 235 n 
Goupil de Prtfelne, attacks republicans, 

>• 273 ; elected to Coundi of Elden, 

iiL 324 ; president of same, 354 ; a 

Theophilanthropirt, iv. 69 
Goupilleau (Fontenay), member of 

Committee of General Security, iii. 

213 If, 214 n ; of Council of Elders, 

Goupilleau (Montaigu), i. 344; mem- 
ber of Committee of General Security, 
iiL 213 M, 214 «; iv. 150 

Gourdan, member of Committee of 
Public Safety, iiL 21611; member 
of Council of Elders, iv. 355 

Gouttes, i. 199 

Gouvion-Saint-Cyr, iv. 248 

Goyre-Laplanche, iL 222 n 

Grandin, L 149 

Granet, L 316 if ; member of Com- 
mittee of Public Safety, iL 242; iiL 
83; arrested by Commune ia 7>#r- 
midar, iii. 200 

Grangeneuve, iL 66; republican and 
Girondist, 117; member of Com- 
mittee of General Security, 231 ; iiL 


Gnwers (de), author of a feminist pro- 
ject, iL 173 

Gr^ire, L 144; fiivours unqualified 
suffinge, 184, 184 It, 185; 199; a 
democntic leader, 213; demands a 
National Convention, 274; 316; 
Bishop of Loir-et-Cher, 325 ; 328 ; 
denounces monarchies in Blois 
Cathednd, iL 98; elected to Con- 

vention, 119 ; attacks royalty in 
general, 147-8 ; 194, 222 m ; presi- 
dent of Convention, 223 ; iiL 160, 
181; demands religious liberty (m 
reality wishing to revive Catholicism), 
257 ; 257 n ; 258 ; organises the former 
*' official" clergy, 263; 264, 26411; 
obtains keys of Notre Dame, 266 ; 
282; iv. 70, 7011, 72, 9611, 98, 100; 
member of Legislative Corps, 172 ; 
198, 19811; elected to Senate, 213, 
247 ; against Bonaparte's assumption 
of empire, 266 ; 269 

Grimmer, iL 222 « 

Gfisel, betnys the Babeuvists, iv. 38, 

Groslaire, iv. 120 

Grouvelle, iL 73, 215 

Guadet, fatnre Girondist, L 340 ; 344 ; 
advises King to form a Jacobin 
Ministry, iL 64, 6s ; Mant's abuse 
of, iL 100 ; 140 ; president of Con- 
vention, 223 ; member of Committee 
of General Defence, 235, 236 ; iii. 
32-5; influence of Mme. Roland 
upon, iiL 38 ; 41 ; quarrel with 
Robapierre, 44; wishes to separate 
State and Church, 45 ; 53 if ; his 
character, 63 ; 64 ; 65 ; 96 if ; votes 
for Louis' death, 99 ; his conference 
with Danton, loi ; arrest as one of 
the ** Twenty-Two," 112; escapes to 
foment dvil war, 115 ; 116 ; guillo- 
tined in Bordeaux, 123 ; 184 

Gtulin dt la Brenellene, L 95 n 

Gtierrier, IV., L 97 if, 120 11, 122 if 

Gufiroy, member of Committee of 
General Security, ii. 232 ; 233 ; iii. 
214 ; a Theophilanthropist, iv. 69 

Guidan, iii. 77 n 

GmlloMme,/.^ L 267-^ 

Guillanme, M. J., iiL 214 it, 216 », 

535 » 
Guillemard, L 235 if 

Guilleraut, L 23511 

Guillotin, i. 174 

Guimberteau, ii. 258 ; iii. 170 ; iv. 1 19 

Guinement, Louis- F61ix, i. 221 if 



Goiot, Florent, commissary, imposes 
loans on dtixens of Lille to feed 
patriots, iii 141 ; 181 ; member of 
Committee of Legislation, 212 n; 
candidate for Directorship, 361 ; iv. 
119; member of Legislative Corps, 

Gniraut, inventor of a shorthand, iL 

Goiter, ii. 222 n 

Guizot, i. 185 

Gutenberg, iL 141-2 

Guynement de K6ralio, &ther of Mme. 
Robert, L 221 ; edits a republican 
journal, 323 

Guyomar, ii. 172; fiivours direct 
suffiage, 189; member of Committee 
of General Security, ilL 214 « 

Guyot-Desherbiers, preudent of seced* 
ing Electoral Assembly of Paris, 
year VI, iii. 341 

Guyot des Maulans, unsuccessful 
royalist intriguer, iL 313 

Guyton-Morveau, member of Com^ 
mittee of General Defence, ii. 235, 
236 ; of Public Safety, 238 ; presi- 
dent of same, 239 ; 240 ; iiL 215 

Guzman, iii. 151 ' 


SdUm, L 239 «, 250 u 

Hamilton, John, iL 141 

Hannibal, iv. 176, 181 

Hanover, Elector of, ii. 124 

Hanriot, L 313 ; nominated commander 
of Paris by the Commune in insur- 
rection, iiL 106 ; invests the Tuileries 
on June 2nd, compelling surrender 
of the Girondists, iii; his arrest 
decreed in Tkirmid^Tf and his 
attempts on the Tuileries, 199; 
guillotined with Robespierre and his 
followers, 202; a tool of Robes- 
pierre's, 230 

Hardy, L 93 « ; member of " Valas^ 
Committee," iiL 35; a Girondist, 
41 ; a member of the Committee of 

General Security, 214 ft; president 
of Council of 500, 354 

Hardy, principal of college, deported 
for " fiuiaticising," iv. 64 

Harmand (Meuse), member of Com- 
mittee of Genera] Security, iii. 214 n 

HaussonviUe (d*), iv. 225 n 

Hauterive (d'), iv. 199 n 

Hatty, Valentin, a fbunder of Theo- 
philanthropy, iv. 67 

Havet, ii. 221 m 

Havr6 (Due de), i. 108 n 

Hubert, i* 313 ; member of Revolution- 
ary Commune, ii. 75 ; editor of Phv 
Dmckesfu, 93; policy, 94; his 
gradual progress towards republican- 
ism, 95 ; 96 ; ii. 282 ; assistant pro- 
curator to Commune, iii. 98 ; arrested 
by a Girondist commission and 
released, 106 ; on the agrarian law, 
128-9; leader of the Left, 144; 
arrested with his friends, 148; guil- 
lotined, 149; 184, 196; iv. 281 

Hubert (Mme.), trial of, iiL 183 

Hubert de Lavicomterie, see Lavi- 

Hecquet, Girondist, iiL 41 

HMouville (General), treats with 
royalists, iv. 114; pacifies La Vend^, 
165, 166 

Helv^tius, L 83, 97 ; iiL 44 

Henau, L 235 m 

Henri IV, L 133, 31491; iL 90; his 
heart burned by Thirion, 320; iii. 

Henri de Navarre, L 253 

Henry- Lariviire, ii. ill ; Girondist, 
iii. 41; member of Committee of 
Public Safety, iiL 216 n ; unsuccess- 
fully demands arrest of Camot, 247 ; 
324; president of Council of $00, 
354; condemned to deportation in 
FnutidoTt iv. 86 

Hentz, member of Committee of Legis- 
lation, iii. 212 fi 

H^rault de S^chelles, i. II9«, 345; 
iL 161 ; his work on the Constitution, 
184-6; 188, 190, 193-4; <infks the 



new DecbiadoD of Rights, 197; 
199, 203, 22311 ; twice president of 
Convocation, 223-4; arrested, 227; 
member of Committee of General 
Security, 231 ; associated with Com- 
mittee in drafting Constitution, 239, 
240; 292; in diplomacy, 247-8; iiL 
6911; 107, 112; arrested on fidse 
charge of treason, 149; executed 
with Danton, 151; his religious 
policy, 158; iiL 209 

Herman, Biinister of the Interior, iL 
2x5, 215 «, 219 

Hesmart, replaces Hanriot, iii 199 

Hesse, Prince of, iv. 187 

Hesse-Cassel, Landgniv of, iiL 248 

Heurtant-Lamerville, ptesident of 
Council of soo, iii. 355, 366 

Hocfae, padBes La Vend^, ii. 306; 
signs treaty of peace with Breton 
leaders, iiL 249; foils the Anglo- 
Royalist attempt at Quiberon, 250 ; 
264, 362; again commands against 
the Vend^eans, iv. 47; approaches 
Paris within statutory limit, 84; 
death, iiiiv; 114, 136, 139, 168, 248 

Holbach (d'), i. 83, 97 

Hollis, Thomas, L 11 1 

Houli^re (de), ii. 222 m 

Hovel, L 23s n 

Hugot, iii. 366 

Httgou, i. 221 «i 

Huguenin, ii. 75 

Hi^et, iiL 222 »; 341; executed 
after the affidr of Grenelle, iv. 46 

Humbert, leads an Irish expedition, iii. 
304 ; executed, iv. 188 

Hyde de Neuville, royalist agent, iv. 

Ichon, ii. 222 m 

Imbert, tragedian, i. 165, 223 

Imbert-Colom^ Bourbon agient, iv. 

54 1 56; deported in Fructidart 86 
Ingrand, member of Committee of 

General Security, iL 231-2; iiL 168 
lstt$Hbert, i. 235 n 

Isnard, L 357i», 364; ii. 178, 822»; 
president of the Convention, 223; 
236; 23811; a Girondist, iiL 41; 
denies his atheism and declares he 
is of no party, 43-4 ; excuses mas- 
sacre, 49; threatens Paris with de- 
struction if she lay hands on the 
nation's deputies, 57 ; 99 , his threat 
to Pftris, 106; o6fers to resign on 
June 2nd, iii; escapes, hides, and 
survives the Terror, 122; active in 
the « White Terror,*' 223 ; recalled, 
239; incites royalists to massacre, 
247-8; excluded fitom Legislature 
under Consulate, iv. 190 

Jallet (Abb^), i. 138, 199 

James II, i. 303 

fammt, L 97 «, 98 », icon 

Janteau, J. J. D., 235 n 

Jard-Panvillier, iv. 157, 172 

Jary, Girondist, iiL 41 

Jault, iii. 188 

Javogues, iii. 200 ; sentenced to deadi 
by military commission, iv. 46 

Jay (Sainte-Foy), iL 22211, member of 
Committee of General Security, 232 ; 
lu. 42 

Jeanbon Saint- Andr^, member of Jaco- 
bin *' Auxiliary Committee of Consti- 
tution," ii. 163 ; suppliant to actual 
Commission, 171 ; 222 n ; president 
of Convention, 223; member of 
Committee of Public Safety, 239. 
240 ; 242 ; much " on mission," 
247 ; to Brest, during English attack 
upon, 257; iii. 100, 136, 143, 169, 
170, 209 n ; arrested after insurrec- 
tion of HxttHalt 246-7 ; prefect of 
Mayence, iv. 246 

Jeanne, one of the founders of Theo- 
philanthropy, iv. 67 

Johannot, ii. 219, 22011; elected to 
Council of Elders, iii. 324 

Jollivet, State Councillor, iv. 171 

Jordan, Camille, his famous " bell ** 



oration, W. 79, 79 «, 80, Son; 81 ; 
ordered to be deported in Fructidor% 
Jorry, acquitted in the Babeuf trial, iv. 

45 ; i«) 

Joubcrt, i. 199, 23s 

Jouennault, iii. 367 

Jourdan, president of Council of 500, 
iii. 354; condemned to deportation 
in Frudidor^ iv. 86 

Jourdan (General), iv. 49; deported, 
recrosses Rhine, 125; calls for pro- 
clamation that France is in danger, 
129 ; 139 ; protests at clearing of the 
Orangery, in Brumatre, 150; 156, 


Juign6 (Mgr. de. Archbishop of Paris), 

Julien, Damas, i. 312 » 

Julien, Dracon, secretary to Committee 
of Public Safety, ii. 240 

Julien (Toulouse), ii. 222 n ; member of 
Committee of General Security, 232 ; 
a Theophilanthropist, iv. 69; de- 
nounced by the Conservative re- 
publicans as a Babeuvist, 12011 

Jullien, iiL 189 

Jullien, jun., iL 2x9, 262 n 


Kant, iv. 205 

Kellermann, ii. 158; iii. 119 
K^lio : see Guynement de K^ialio 
K6ralio-Robert, i. 237, 25511, 287 
Kersaint, author of an early republican 
pamphlet, i. 85, 323, 324; ii. 98, 
222 M ; suggests a Committee of 
General Defence, 234 ; president of 
same, 235 ; a Girondist, iii. 41 ; 
anxioas to proceed against Septem- 
berers, 52 ; 68, 92, 94 
Kerv^l^gan, L 31611 ; a member of the 
Committee of General Security, ii. 
231; a Girondist, iiL 41; 215 »; 
member of Committee of General 
Security, 213 if ; elected to Council 
of Elders, 324 

Kilmaine (General), beaten back from 

the faubourgs in Prairia/, iii. 246 
Kissienne, i. 235 n 
Kl^ber, iv. 49, 136 
Klopstock, ii. 141 
Kosciusko, Thaddeus, ii. 141 

Laborde de Mereville, i. 153 
Laborde (Mme. de), i. 253 
Laboureau, agcnt-provocaUur^ iii. X48 
Lacarri^, deported in Fructidor^ iv. 

Lacaze, a Girondist, iiL 34, 35, 41 ; 

one of the "Twenty-Two," arrested 

and tried, 121 
Lac^pMe, iv. 229 n 
LacIos, L 311, ii. 120 If 
Lacombe (Bishop of Angoul^me), iv. 


Lacombe Saint - Michel, member or 
Committee of Defence, ii. 235 ; tries 
to hold Corsica, iii. 121 n; member 
of Committee of Public Safety, 2i6if ; 
elected an Elder, 325 ; president of 
Council of Elders, 354 

Lacoste, Elie, president of Convention, 
iL 224 ; enters Committee of General 
Security, 233 ; iii. 213 if 

Lacretelle, iiL 251 

Lacroix, Sigismond, L 196 if, 200 », 

201 If, 209 If 
Lacroix (Haute-^^enne), Girondist, iiL 

Lacrosse (Rear-Admiral), candidate for 

Directorate, iii. 360, 361 

Lacu^, president of Council of Elders, 
iii* 354 1 State Councillor, iv. 171 

La Faye, iiL 77 if 

La Fayette, a royalist in 1789 as regards 
France, i. 86 ; impelled by Declara- 
tion of Independence to sail for 
America, 1 14 ; republican abroad, a 
monarchist at home, 115-6 ; his con- 
tempt for the people, 120; drafts 
Declaration of Rights, 140, 150; 
2x7, 219; accused of republicanism. 



270 ; 274 '» Aociised of complicity in 
Louis XVrs escape, 276, 278; 29S, 

313 ''t 3i7> 336* 35i> 354 ; suspected 
of desire to be President of a French 
Republic, 356, 35611; 357, 3S8, 359. 
360, 366 ; ii. 50 ; his accusation de- 
manded, 53-4; acquitted, 66-7; 
attempting in vain to induce his 
army to declare for Louis, escapes 
from France, 81 ; 304 ; recalled 
under Consulate, iv. 167; praises 
Bonaparte, but will not vote for the 
life-Consulate, 235 

LaffonLadebat, president of Legis- 
lative Assembly, ii. 65 « ; iiL 323 ; 
president of Council of Elders, 354 ; 
deported to Guiana after FnuHdm-^ 

Lafosse, i. 235 n 

Lsgarde, secretary to Directory, iii. 


Lagiange, member of Conservative 
Senate, iv. 172 

La Harpe, i. 91 

Laignelot, member of Committee of 
General Security, ii. 232; iii. 157, 
170-1, 214 II ; involved in Babeuvist 
conspiracy, iv. 39; acquitted upon 
trial, 45 ; condemned to supervision 
by police, 187 

Lajolais (General), royalist conspirator, 
iv. 262 

Lakanal, ii. 222 n, iii. 256, 295, 317 n ; 
iv. 223 

Lalande, iL 222 n 

Laligant, i. 235 n 

Lalire, i. 235 n 

Lally-ToUendal, L 152 ; demands quali- 
fied suffrage, 182 

Laloy, president of Convention, iL 
223; receives personification of 
Liberty at bar, iii. 160 ; member of 
Committee of Public Safety, 209, 
215 ; president of Council of 500^ 
334; 366, 367; iv. 172 

La Luzerne, C^sar de, Bishop of Lm- 
gres, i. 149 

La Luzerne (Marquis de), i. 89i» 

Lamare, tii. 995 n 

Lamarque, member of Committee of 
Gencnl Security, iL 231 ; refuses 
election to Eldm, iii. 342; presi- 
dent of Council of 500, iii. 354 ; anti- 
Catholic, iv. 82 

Lamartme^ his History of iko Girom^ 
disfi, iii. 32 

Lamberty, a Theophilanthropist, iv. 69 

Lambrechts, Directorial candidate, iiL 
360 ; Minister of Justice, 362 ; iv. 
187 ; unfiiivourable to the hereditary 
imperial ambition of BcHiaparte, 266* 

Lameth, Alexandre de, i. 152 ; fiivours 
suspension of Louis, 269 ; points out 
dangers of regency. 272 ; disbelieves 
in republicanism, 287 ; appointed 
member of Committee of Constitu- 
tion, 326 

Lameth, Charles de, L 194, 278 

Lamourette, scene known as the Bauer 
do Lamourtag^ L 366-7 

Langlob, iii 252 n 

Linjuinais, a Feuillant, i. 316 ; accuses 
the Mountain of Orl6snist tendencies, 
ii. 122 ; member of *' Commission of 
Six," 171 ; opens feminist question, 
172-3 ; president of Convention, ii 
224 ; a Girondist, iii 41 ; not under 
Mme. Roland's control, 67 ; his 
behaviour on June 2nd, when he 
refiises to resign, iii ; arrested with 
the *< Twenty-Two," 112; declared 
traitor, 116 ; 222 ; recalled from out- 
lawiy, 239; recommends restoration 
of their diurches to Catholics, 264 ; 
267 ; member of Committee of Public 
Safety, 275 ; demands a constitution, 
277 n ; upholds property suffinge, 281, 
285 n ; 289, 291 ; recommends an 
annual President, 301 ; elected an 
Elder, 324-5 ; 346 ; disapproves of 
life-Consulate, iv. 230 m ; member 
of republican opposition, 247 ; nn- 
£avourable to assumption of imperial 
dignity, 269 n 

Laune, ii. 219 



Lannes, iv. 248 

Lanot, member of Committee of Public 
Security, ii. 232 ; account of massacre 
by Catholics, 316; of royalist in- 
trigues, 317; his intolerance, iii. 168; 

Lanthenas, i. 229 ; petitions for re- 
moval of Louis, 311 ; suppUant to 
Committee of Constitution, ii. 161 n ; 
207; a Girondist, iii. 41 ; 59; ex- 
pelled from Jacobins, 97 ; offers 
to resign on June 2nd, iii; 282; 
speaks against freedom of the press, 

Laplace, iv. 139 ; Minister of Interior 

under Provisional Consulate, 155 «f; 

Laplaigne, Girondist, iii. 41 
Laplanche, detects royalism in Army 

(1793)* si* 315; lu* 123; taxes rich 
to feed poor, 139 

Laponmraye^ i. 188 if 

Laporte, intendant to Louis XVI, 
whose papers proved treacherous 
conduct of the King in his use of the 
Civil List, u. 83 

Laporte, Seb. de, member of Com- 
mittee of General Security, iii. 214 ii ; 
of Public Safety, 21611 ; 260 

La Pojrpe, petitions Assembly to re- 
move Louis XVI, L 311; Bernard 
demands his arrest, 319 

La R^elli^re-L^peaux, L 3i6ff ; presi- 
dent of Convention, ii. 224; 23811; 
a Girondist, iii. 41 ; member of 
Committee of Public Safety, iii. 
216 II ; of Commission of Eleven, 
a7S. 276, 277, 279 n ; 291 « ; 304 ; 
elected president of the Council of 
Elders; then Director, 325; 354, 
358 ; resigns Directorate, 361 ; 364 ; 
wishes to destroy the Roman Church, 
iv. 60; fiivoumble to Theophilan- 
thropy, 69-70 ; 84 ; forced to resign, 
126; attempt to execute him, together 
with Reubell and Merlin, 128 

LaRiviire, i. 3i8» 

Laroche, iv. 187 n 

VOL. rv. 20 

La Rochefoucauld (Due de)» i. 152 n, 

270H, 324 
La Rochefoucauld-Ltanoourt, recalled 

from exile, iv. 167; present at 

Consular court, 182 
Larochejaquelein, royalist intriguer, ii. 

Laromiguito, member of Tribunate, iv. 


Larroque (Mme.), iii. 175 if 

La Rue (Chevalier de), iv. 85 n ; con- 
demned to deportation in Fnutidor^ 
and sent to Guiana, 86, 87 if 

La Sicoiiirt^ iv. 51 11 

Lasouroe, attests that no republicans 
exist (in 1792), i. 35711; u. 144, 151, 
222 If ; president of Convention, 223 ; 
Girondist member of Committee of 
General Security, 231, 236; 238; 
iii. 41 ; said to fevour federated 
republics, 54; his programme to 
reduce the political influence of Pkuis 
to that of one of eighty-three depart- 
ments, 67-8 ; Saint-Just recommends 
his recall to the Convention after 
June 2nd, 116 ; tried as one of the 
'* Twenty-Two " and executed, 121, 
122 ; 219 

La Tour-du-Pin Pkulin, i. 144 n 

Latour-Maubourg, one of the three 
deputies to lead Louis XVI back 
from Varennes, i. 265 ; recalled from 
exile under the Consulate, iv. 167 ; 
urges liberty of Press on Bonaparte, 

La Tr^moUle (Prince de), Louis 

XVIII's agent in Paris, iv. 51 ; no 
Laumont, ii. 220 
Laumur (General), executed after trial 

with the H^bertist "amalgam," iii. 

Laurence, a Girondist, iii 41, 236 

Laurenceot, a Girondist, iiu 41 
Laurent, his account of a popular 
festival commemorating the execu- 
tion of Louis XVI, at Arras, iL 321 
Lauriston (Mme. de), attached to Mme. 
Bonaparte, iv. 244 



Lauie-Deperret, iL 222 n ; a Girondist, 
iiL 41 ; oonfesaes on icafibld, 43 ; 
trial as one of the <* Twenty-Two»" 

Lavaux, i. 335 n ; State messenger, in. 

Laoergui, Uotut diy L 108 n 

Lavicomterie, a declared repablican m 
1790, L 220-1; 222; iL 97, loi ; 
fiivoitrs a federative commimal re- 
public, 138, 138 M, 139 ; mppliatU to 
Committee of Constitution, 161 «; 
222 h; member of Committee of 
General Security, 231, 232, 233; 
ui. 54 

La Villeumoy, royalist agent, ir. 50, 
51 ; deported to and dies in Guiana 
in FructidoTy 87, 87, n 

LavisHt i. 142 n 

Le Bas, member of Committee of 
General Security, ii. 233 ; the friend 
of Robespierre, iiL 91, 192 ; demands 
to share latter's arrest, 199 ; escapes 
to H9t€l de yaUf 200; commits 
suicide, 201 

Lebau, iv. 120 n 

Leblanc, elected an Elder, iiL 342 

Le Bois Desguays, regards a republican 
placard as too absurd for punishment, 
L 271 

Lebois, iii. 377 

Le Bon, ii. 222 n ; member of Com- 
mittee of General Security, ii. 233 ; 
249; his brutal conduct as a com- 
missary, 259 ; 276 

Le Breton, a Girondist, iiL 41 ; fiivours 
a President, 301-2 

Lebreton, iiL 358 ; his report rt post- 
age, 389 

Le Brun, i. 221 « ; Minister of Foreign 
Affairs under Provisional Govern- 
ment (179a). ii. 73» aM. 216 J 
arrested as one of the "Twenty- 
Two," iii. 112 ; continues to attend 
to his duties, 1x3; condemned 
(December, 1793), "3 

Lebrun, president of Council of 

Elders, iiL 354 ; Third Coosid, it. 
163 ; 171 ; 181 Ht 260 

Lecamus, IL 220 

Le Carlier, a Girondist, iiL 41 ; Direc- 
torial candidate, 360; Minister of 
Police, 363 

Le Carpentier, oommissary, iiL 170 

Le Chapelier, bourgms leader, L 271, 
278. 316. 328 

Leclere, a Girondist, iii. 41 ; president 
of Council of 500, 355; supports 
Theophilanthropy as a possiUe 
State religion, iv. 70 

Lederc (General), iv. 143 

Leoointe-Pujrraveau, member of Com- 
mittee of General Security, iL 232 ; 
president of Council of 500, iiL 354 ; 
379 ;iv. 157 

Leoointre, Laurent, iiL 231 ; denounces 
the Committees, 238 ; his denuncia- 
tion rejected but taken up again, 
242 ; banished from Seine province, 

L'Ecolans, L 235 n 

Leoourbe, iv. 248 

Le Cottteulz-Canteleu, iiL 323 ; presi- 
dent of Elders, 354; member of 
Bonaparte's Privy Council, iv. 265 

Le Cob (Bishop), iii. 264 

Le Febvre, a Girondist, iii. 41 ; Direc- 
torial candidate, 360, 361 ; iv. 136, 


Lef^vre, F.-N., iL 97«; iii. 399 n 

Lefiot, his aooonnt of a royalist religious 
riot, ii. 317 ; iiL 172 

Le Fnmc de Pompignan, J. G., Arch- 
bishop of Vienne, i. 144 n 

Legalliires, iv. 94 

Le Gendre, i. 235 n ; 320, iii. 150, 172 ; 
closes the hall of the Jacobins, 224 ; 
demands that the script of the Con- 
stitution be replaced in the Conven- 
tion, 271 

Legendre (Paris), president of the Con- 
vention, iL 224; member of Com- 
mittee of General Security, 231, 
232; iii. 213 M, 214 » 

Leger, L 235 n 



Le Grand, i. 83 

Leguillier, ii. 22ii» 

Lehardi, a Girondist, iiL 41; 43; 

tried as one of the *' Twenty-Two," 

Le Hodey, i. 153 «, 174 », I7S «• '85 n, 

190 H, 192 fi, 193 M, t94t 194 «> 

27011, 2711*, 33011, 33 1» 
Lejeune (Indre), member of Committee 

of General Security, ii 232; 315 
Lemaignan, a Girondist, iiL 41 
Le MaiUaud, member of Committee of 

Legislation, iii. 212 n ; 366 
Le Maire, iL 96 
L^mane, ii. 222 m 
Lemarchand-Gomicourt, condemned 

to be deported in Fmctithry iv. 

Lemerder, u. 221 » ; president of Conn- 

dl of Elders, iii. 355 ; iv. 158 

Lemerer, demands liberty of Press, iii. 
375 ; defends Catholicism, iv. 81 ; 
condemned to deportation in Frueti- 
£&r, 87 ; 99 

Lemoine d'Aubermesnil, ii. 222 n 

Lenoir-Laroche, iii. 341 ; Minister of 
Police, 363 ; iv. 158, 187 n 

Leonidas, iiL 184 

LepaigCy L loi 

Le Peletier de Saint-Fargean, ardent 
republican, iL 118; 120; 222 n; 
murder of, 231 ; results of, 302 ; 
iii. 125, 163 

Le Peletier, F^lix, democrat leader, iv. 
37 ; implicated in Babeuf s con- 
spiracy, 39 ; acquitted, 45 ; leader 
of the RAmicn of the Manage ^ 131 ; 
banished, 156 ; but evades deporta- 
tion, 187 

Lequinio, oommissaiy, ii. 315 ; iii. 170, 
171 ; iv. 119, 168 

Leieboars, ii. 220 

Lesage, a Girondist, iii. 35, 41 ; mem- 
ber of Commission of Eleven, iii. 
275; 285» 

Lesage (Eure-et-Loir), member of 
Committee of Public Safety, iiL 
2i6«; 276,324 

Lesage-Senault, member of Committee 
of General Security, iiL 214 n 

Lescalier, State Councillor, iv. 171 

Lescot-Fleuriot, provisional Mayor of 
Puis, replacing Pache, iii. 149 ; 188 \ 
his part in the events of the 9th of 
Tkirmidor, 199 

Lescure, royalist noble, ii. 307 

Lespinasse, proposer of life-Consulate 
in Senate, iv. 230 

Lesterpt-Beauvais, a Girondist, iii. 41 ; 
43 ; tried as one of the '* Twenty- 
Two," 121 

Letonmel, L 235 n 

Le Toumeur (Manche), president of 
Convention, ii. 224; member of 
Committee of Public Safety, 21611; 
a Director, 325, 358 ; retires, 359 

Letoumeux, issues circular directing 
administrations to persuade clergy 
to the consecration of the tenth day, 
iv. 97 

Levasseur, iL 195 ; iiL 130 

Levasseur (Meurthe), member of Com- 
mittee of Public Security, iii. 214 n ; 
proeks-verbaHste to the Council of 

Levasseur (Sarthe), fiivours indirect 

sufirage, iL 189 ; no taxation of the 
poor, and a sliding scale, 193 ; iiL 
83 ; arrested in Girminal (year III), 

L^v^ue, oommissaiy, iiL 367 

Uvis (Due de), objects to dangers of 

enlightening the people as to their 

rights, i. 149 
L^vy-Schneider, points out that Brest 

and Toulon were for a time true ool- 

lectivist cities, iii. 143 
Leyris, member of Committee of 

General Security, iL 231, 232; iv. 

Lezay-Mam^sia, ii. 294 n ; iiL 252 n, 

Lheritier, jun., iL 220 n 
Lhomme, L 206-7 
Lhulier, ii. 219 
Uardt iiL 256 n 



Udon, one of the " Va]ajs^ Committee/' 

iiL 35 ; a Girondist, 41 
Lieuvain, ii. 220 
Ligeret, president of Council of Elders, 

"1. 354 

Lindet, Robert, president of Conven- 
tion, iL 223 ; member of Committee 
of Public Safety, 238; retired from 
same, 239 ; 242, 247, 248, 251 ; iiL 
102, 150, 169, 214 ; seeks, with Car- 
not, to avoid party quarrels and 
establish a liberal Republic, 237-8 ; 
243 ; arrested by Omvention after 
Prairialt 246; exclusion from the 
Legislature in the year VI, 343; 
Minister of Finance under Directory, 
363 ; a commissary, 366 ; involved 
in the Babeuvist conspiracy, iv. 39 ; 
acquitted, 45 ; 46 ; iv. 128 ; 247 

Lindet, Thomas, i. 270 », 283, 286 ; ii. 
222 h; iii. 132; iv. 119 

Locke, had great influence over eigh- 
teenth-century French philosophers, i. 
Ill ; admiration for English institu- 
tions arising from study of, 117 

Locr6, proeh-verbiUiste to Council of 
Elders, iiL 356 

Loiseau, a Girondist, iii. 41 

Lombard- Lachaux, ii. 222 n 

Lomont, member of Committee of 
General Security, iii. 214 ; con- 
demned to deportation in Fructidor^ 

iv. 87 

Lorinet, L 243 

Lothringer, Abb^ confesses Fauchet on 
scalibld, iii. 43 

Louchet, commissary, iii. 172 ; demands 
the decree of accusation against 
Robespierre in Thermider^ 198; but 
favours the continuation of the Ter- 
ror, 207 

Louis XIV, L 90, 91, loi ; jealous of 
absolute power, 134; 310; ii. 90, 

Louis XV, i. 90, 100 ; attempts to re- 
place the Parliaments, 102 ; 1 19, 263 ; 
iv, 280 

Louis XVI, writers of cahien do not 

attribute their troubles to him« 1 81 ; 
loyalty towards, 81-2 ; 84, 86, 87, 
88, 89 ; his paternal despotism, 90 ; 
attempts, like Louis XV, to replace 
Parliaments by more docile institu- 
tions, 103, 104, 105 ; alarmed at idea 
of representative government, 106; 
founds Provincial Assemblies, 108; 
109; his offers of liberties refused, 
no; 115; confident that the Third 
Estate will make no demands of im* 
portanoe, 132-3 ; denies promises, 
134; a weak hypocrite, 135; loses 
his first chance of heading the Revo- 
lution, 136-7; 138; outwitted, 139; 
forms a ministry, 140 ; dares not use 
force, 141 ; Paris rises and Louis 
submits, 142 ; 143 ; still the idol o. 
France, 144-S; ^S^t l^S* "65, 169; 
given a "suspension veto," 171 ; 
still sides against people, 172 ; 173, 
174 ; his right to refiise the Consti- 
tution denied, 175 ; led to Paris by 
the mob, 176 ; 177, 17811 ; is begged 
to refuse to sanction the decree of 
the "silver mark," 200; 203; ac- 
cepts Constitution, 213-4 ; suspected 
of betraying France, 220; 221, 224, 
225, 248, 249, 250, 251 ; flight to 
count as abdication, 252 ; 255-8 ; 
260-6; his character, 261-3; his 
treacherous designs, 264 ; his flight, 
265; his return, 266; the nation 
willing to replace him on the throne, 
267; 268-9; 272, 273, 274, 275; 
277 ; many groups now consider 
Louis impossible, 280 ; 281-4 \ 
286-9; the nation decides to try 
him, 290 ; 291 ; 298-300 ; his pres- 
tige shattered, 305; 306-8, 3ioif, 

3"i 3". 3I4» 3*3; accepts the 
Constitution, 332; his popularity 
undiminished, 333-7; 339t 342-51 1 
353. 354. 361, 363; the people 
force the Tuileries, 364, 365; La 
Fayette proposes that Louis shall 
use force, 366 ; the *' Kiss of La- 
mourette," 366-7; his guard dis- 



buided, iL 31 ; refuses sanction to 
the anned camp before Paris, 32 ; 33, 
34; feeling that Louis must be re- 
moved or suspended grows, 36-67 ; 
the insurrection of August: Louis 
suspended and imprisoned, 68-73; 
75» 761 78-82 ; proof of his treason, 
831 84-90, 92-6, 98, 104-9, 1 16-19, 
123, 147 ; royalty abolished by de- 
cree, 148; 14811, 153, 212-X4, 217, 
221, 227, 230; voting at his trial, 
a38-9; 253, 254, 297-305 ; 314 ; uL 
34; the Girondist vote at his trial, 
39 1 73 ; his approaching execution ac- 
claimed, 98 ; the vote at his trials 99 ; 
the anniversary of his execution to be 
kept by law, 234; iv. 35; 53, 63. 
110, 164, 194, 278 

Louis XVII, L 142 ff, 224; ii. 304, 
307; proclaimed at Lyons and 
Toulon, 310; 311, 315; iii 113 n, 
120 ; dies in the Temple, 249 

Louis XVIII, i. 224 ; appoints Charette 
general of the insurrection, 250 ; 251, 
3231 379 • >v. 47 ; appears content 
to await events, 51-2; contrasted 
with Orleans, 57 ; 74, 77, 83 ; the 
Pichegru conspiracy, 86; affects a 
temporising policy, 1 1 1 ; deddes on 
a fresh insurrection, 112, 113; his 
generals compelled to treat, 1 14 ; 1 19, 
142, 153 ; recognised by the Pope, 
200; 203, 206, 208; the Pope 
abandons his cause and signs the 
Concordat, 210; 212; refuses to 
abdicate, 233; 248; confers with 
Banras and writes to Bonaparte, 
259; a6o; protests against the 
Empire, 261 

Louis (Bas-Rhin), president of Con- 
vention, ii. 224 ; member of Com- 
mittee of General Security, iii. 21 3«, 
214 M 

Louis-Philippe, L 172 n; ii. 176 ; 201 ; 
iv. 35, 280 

Loustallot, protests against the "mark 
of silver," i. 198 ; 199, 200; his aim 
to arouse the democratic conscious- 

ness, 213-4 ; 217 ; his scheme of a 
re/enndum, 306; iL 130 

Louvet, iL 122 ; president of Conven- 
tion, 224; iii. 35; a Girondist, 41, 
4S» ^ f blamed by Condorcet for the 
bitterness of his attacks on Robes- 
pierre, 68; treats the Montagnards 
as royalists, 73 ; backed up by the 
Federals, 96 ; votes for Louis' death, 
99 ; arrested with the " Twenty- 
Two," 112; escapes to raise the civil 
war, 115; 116 ; survives the Terror, 
122 ; member of Conunittee oif 
Public Safety, 2x611; recalled from 
outlawry, 239 ; member of Commis- 
sion of Eleven, 275 ; 308, 374 ; edits 
the republican journal, the Seniimlie, 

Louvet (Somme), member of Committee 
of Legislation, iiL 2I2| 

Loysel, a Girondist, iii. 41 

Lucas-Montigny, L 149 » 

Lu9ay (Mme. de), attached to Mme. 
Bonaparte, iv. 244 

Luckner (General), i. 366 

Lucchesini, Prussian Minister in Paris, 
iv. 260, 263 n 

Lucretius, iv. 184 

Lulier, ii. 75 ; procurator-syndic of the 
Department of Paris, iiL 109 ; ac- 
cused and tried with the Dantonists, 

Lusurier, i. 235 n 

Lutier, Nicolas, a royalist propagand- 
ist, iL 313-^4 
Lycurgtts, iv. 249 


Mably, a royalist writer, L 83 ; dreams 
of a *< republican monarchy," 92 ; his 
reasons for upholding monarchies, 
97 ; 113, 115, 118 ; disgust at demo- 
cracy, 120, 121 ; 131, 199 

Mac-Curtain, condemned to deporta- 
tion in Fructithry iv. 87 

Macdonald, supports Bonaparte in 
Brumairt, iv. 143 ; 248, 249 



I, James, nuule a Frencfa 

dtisen by the Convention, iL 141 
MadieTi condemned to deportation in 

Frmtidar^ iv. 87 
Madison, N., created a French citiaen 

by the Convention, ii. 141 
Magenthies, ridicules colt of Supreme 

Being, iii 195 
Magin, ii. 221 n 
Maignet, iiL 119 ; arrested in Gw* 

mima/, year IV, 244 
Maiihe, iii. 225, 303, 372 ; condemned 

to deportation in Fmctitbr, iv. 87 
Blaillard, condemned to deportation in 

Fnutidor^ iv. 87 
Maillard (Mme.), L 235 n 
Mailly (Marquis de Chftteaurenaud), 

ii. 222 It 
Maisse* a Girondist, iiL 41 
Mal^, president of the Council of 500, 

Hi. 355 
Malet (General), criticises the Empire, 

iv. 270 
Mallarm6, president of Convention, ii. 

M3 ; 23911, 300 «f 3»8 ; iii. 196, 255 
Mallet du Pan, i. 8911, lion, 115 «, 

"35» "^5. 336; !▼. 55-6. 160 M 
Malo, iv. 51 
Malouet, i. 139, 149, 169, 269, 270, 

271. 273 « 
Malvauz, L 235 n 

Mandar, Thtophile, i. 289 ; converted 
to republicanism by Cordorcet's 
eloquence, 298 ; a foiuder of Theo- 
philanthropy, iv. 67 

Mangin, L 235 « 

Manuel, advises Louis XVI upon his 
son's education, L 348-9; sus- 
pended from functions as procurator- 
general of Commune, 367, iL 33 ; 
reinstated, 80 ; 92 ; now a fervid 
republican, 104; 107, 145, 147-8, 
161 ; member of Committee of 
General Security, 231 ; a Girondist, 
iii. 41 ; 68, 75 ; executed, 122 

Maras, iiL 366 

Maiat, still monarchical in 1789, i. 
164. 170; fiivours universal suffrage, 

197 ; his statement of the poUrical 
situation, 209-11 ; 213, 226, 241 it, 
250-2 ; demands a dictator, 280-1 ; 
in hiding, 321 ; iL 97, 99, 100 ; be- 
lieves the people unripe for a 
republic, 120 ; his relations with Or- 
leans, 120-1; 122, 123, 126; people 
fear his becoming a " triumvir,** 136 ; 
227, 234, 236. 303. 3«2-3it ; iii. 32, 
34* 35i 36 * ^< votes upon his im- 
peachment, 39; 50, 5311, 57, 59. 
64, 73 ; guilty of the September 
msffiarres, 74; 79; his thirst for 
blood, 80 ; 81 ; is impeached, 82 ; 
acquitted in triumph and becomes 
a party leader, 83 ; hatred of the 
Girondisu; killed by Charlotte 
Corday, 84; popularity after his 
death, 85 ; his disease, 85 « ; de- 
spises the people, 86 ; 88, 90, 91, 92 ; 
Danton disowns him, 93 ; 94, loi, 
106, 1 10, 125, 129, 132, 163 ; his 
remains deposited in the Pantheon, 
238 ; 242 ; iv. 44, 188 

Bfarbos, ii. 222 n ; a Girondist, iii. 41 

Marbot, president of the Council of 
Elders, iiL 355 

Maroeau, killed in Germany, iv. 49 ; 
136, 182, 248 

Mareel^ iL 47 

Marchand, L 312 n ; iv. 131 

Maxeau, iv. 67 

Marec, member of the Coounittee of 
Public Safety, iii. 214 n 

Mar^chal, Sylvain, Babeuvist con- 
spirator, iv. 39 ; socialist verses by, 
43; athebt, but admitted to the 
Tbeophihmthropist sect, 67 

Marescot (General), Directorial candi- 
date, iiL 361 ; iv. 13611 

Maret, H. B., iv. 170; 265 it 

Marie-Antoinette, her retrograde in> 
fluenoe, L 134, 137 ; 251, 262 ; flight 
from Paris, 265 ; 275 ; reco v ered 
popularity, 335-6; V erg niaud 
threatens her in a speech, 352 ; 364, 
366 ; taken to the Temple, 84-5 », 



Mariette, member of Committee of 
General Security, iii. 214 n ; 223 

Marion, L 23511 

Marius, L 223 

Mannont, State Councillor uider Con- 
sulate, iv. 171 

Marmcntii^ i. 89 « 

Marragon, president of Council of 
Elders, iii. 354 

Martin (Rear- Admiral), Directorial 
candidate, iii. 360, 361 

Martin-Saint-Romain, a Girondist, iii. 

Martiniana, iv. 206 

Martique, it 221 91 

Massa, a Girondist, iii. 41 

Massart, Babeuvist conspirator, iv. 39 

Mass^na, saves France from invasion, 
iii. 327 ; Directorial candidate, 359- 
61 ; iv. 114, 136, 140, 166, 248, 250 

Massieu, L 199; iL 221 «; iiL 172 

Massulard, i. 307 

Masuyer, a Girondist, iii. di 

Vfathieu, i. 235 », 307 n ; ii 146 ; 
president of Convention, 224 ; mem- 
ber of Committee of Public Safety, 
later commissary, 239; 240; iii. 
107 ; member of Committee of 
ireneral Security, 21491 ; of the 
Commission of Seven, 273 

AfaAies, i7., iv. 276 n 

Mahon, ii. 221 » 

Maibac, L 312^ 

Maibant, L 23511 

Matcher, l 235 n 

Maidard, i. 102 m 

Maipeou, i. 104 

Msure, ii. 118; member of Committee 
•f General Security, ii. 232 ; liber- 
&tes religious prisoners, 239; 271 ; 
ii. 102, 178, 179 

Maury, i. 81 if, 162 n; royalist agent 
in Rome, iv. 200 

MntUmkett i. 30011 

Muade-Perdn (de), ii. 222 n 

Mazu^ [Mazuel], president of the 
** Central Committee of Federals," 
i. S4» 

M^uille, member of Committee of 

General Security, ii. 232, iii. 21411 
M^da, gendarme, claimed to have shot 

Robespierre, iii. 201 
M^dids, Catherine de, iv. 82 
J^gSf Frtmcisqiu^ i. 12011, 14711, 

300»; iL 90 
Mdh^ de la Touche, assistant secretary 

to the Commune, offers to assassinate 

any future monarch, iL 93 ; iiL 381 ; 

an agent provocateur^ iv. 262 
Meillan, iiL 35 ; a Girondist, 41 ; his 

opinion of Brissot, 58-9 
M^nant, ii. 57 
Menessier, Babeuvist conspirator, iv. 

Menou (General), employed .by the 

Convention in Prairial^ iii. 246 

Merder, i. 23511; member of the 
** Commission of Six," ii. 171 ; 194, 
220 ; a Girondist, iv. 41, 223 

Mercy (de), Bishop of Lu^on, advises 
priests to take oath, iv. 90 

Merlin (Douai), president of Conven- 
tion, ii. 224 ; member of Committee 
of Public Safety, iii. 21511, 2x6 «; 
protests against suppression of de- 
fence before the Revolutionary Tri- 
bunal, 231 ; 239 ; member of the 
Commission of Seven, 273 ; of 
Eleven, 275 ; elected Director, 359 ; 
resigns, 361 ; Minister of Justice, 
362 ; Camot proposes his dismissal, 
iv. 83; 88, 12^; compelled to 
resign; the republicans attempt his 
execution, 128 

Merlin (Thionville), a Cordelier, i. 340 ; 
speaks of republican attitude of 
Soissons, iL 107 ; 122 ; president of 
Convention, 224 ; iiL 75, 99, 208 ; 
president of Committee of Legis- 
lation, 212 n ; member of Com- 
mittee of General Security, 213 n, 
21411, 224 

Merlino, iv. 168 

Mersan, recalled to Legislature in 
Prairialt year V, iv. 54 ; accused of 
monarchiosl tendendes by Mallet 



da Tbh, 56 ; condemned to deporta- 
tion, 87 

''Mcadames'* (the King's aunts), L 

Metge, shot after illegal trial in tbe 
year IX, iv. 188 

Mennier, L 313 

Aficiaudf L 89 f», ii. 84 f», 239, 25211 

Michaud (Doubs), member of Com- 
mittee of General Security, ii. 232 

Michel, a Girondist, iii. 41 

MicA^Uf, L 312 », 313 IV 

Michdet (Crease), a commissary, iii. 

Migmet^ iv. 159 iv 

Biijon, ii. 57 

Milet de Mareaa, Minister of War 
ander the Directory, iiL 362 

Milbaad, iiL 138 

Milton, ii 303 

Minvielle, a Girondist, iii 41 ; tried 
as one of the ** Twenty-Two," 121 

Miot, iL 221 M 

Miot de Mdito, iv. 170, 184 f», 234 

Miqae, i. 235 n 

Mirabeau, a resolate royalist, i. 85, 98 ; 
praises American Declaration of 
Independence, 114; 138, 149 «; 
hostile to a French Declaration, 151 ; 
153M; speaks upholding absolute 
religious liberty, 155 ; fitvours abso- 
lute royal veto, 172 ; 177 ; hostile to 
idea of privileged middle class, 189 ; 
193 ; in fitvour of the " three days* 
labour " tax, 197 ; his idea that the 
King shall champion the people 
ag«inst the reaction, 200 ; 261, 262, 
^3f 3^> 351 ; ii* lao ; iii. 90, 286 ; 
!▼• I39f 182, 278, 280 

Miranda (General), condemned to de- 
portation in Fructidor^ iv. 87 

Mirande, iiL 355 

Mirtur^ i. 1 18 m 

Mitti^, i. 234 

Mo^ne, fills Hubert's place as assistant 
national agent, iiL 149 

Moisson, Fran9ois, commander of the 
Marseillais Federals, U. 46 

Moitte (Mme.), L 235 n 

Mollein, L 235 n 

M<dlevaat, one of the " Valaz^ Com- 
mittee,*' iii. 35 ; a Girondist, 41 ; 
accused of complicity with the rebels, 
116 ; president of Elders, 355 

Moltedo, ii. 222 n 

Momoro, L 247 m, 320, 340, 361 n ; ii. 
60; arrested for preaching agrarian 
law, 132 It; author of a socialist 
Declaration of Rights, 133 ; 133 n ; 
134; tried with the H^bertists, iiL 

Moncey (General), defeats Spain, iii. 

Monestier (Loi^re), iii. 83, 173; 

taxes imposed by, I75ii 

Monestier (Puy-de-Ddme), ii. 222 n 

Mong^, i. 23s n 

Monge, Minister of Bffarine, IL 73 ; 
anient republican, 150, 153, 214; 
elected an Elder, iii. 342 ; Directorial 
candidate, 359; iv. 119, 139; giver 
the senatory of Li^e, 253 n 

Monk (General), iv. 259 

Monmayou, member of the Committee 
of General Security, iiL 219 m ; id- 
vises the establishment of Decalal 
fStes, iv. 100 

Monnel, iL 22211 

Monneron, Louis, ii. 22111 

Monsieur (the Comte de Provence, kter 
Louis XVIII, whom see), escpes 
from France at time of King's flight, 
L 265 ; 275 ; assumes regency, iL 
311 ; Frott^ assures the Norman he 
is about to land (1799), iv. 113 

Montaigne, i. 97 

Montaudouin, L 235 n 

Montaut (de), iL 222 n; member of 
Committee of Public Security, ii. 

Montesquieu, prefers a monarchy of the 
English type, L 83; his cla»c 
definition of a republic, 92 ; sis 
writings republican in their effect, 93 ; 
94, 164; ii. 217 ; iii. 314 ; iv. 183 

Montesquiott, ii. 158 



Monder, A., L 283 n 

Mondosier, ideas as to sufl&age, L 183 ; 


Montmorency (Comte de), i. 148 

Montmorin (Comte de), writes that 
religion and the throne are threatened, 
i. 224 ; iii. jy 

Montpensier (Due de, son of Due 
d*Orl^ans), L 275 « ; is liberated and 
sails for America, iv. 57 

Monvel, iii 166 

MoreaUy ii. 220; operations on the 
Rhine, iv. 49 ; called to Paris in 
Fruciidar, 88 ; accused of Babeuvism, 
120 M ; honoured by Bonaparte, 139 ; 
Si^y^s wishes to make use of him, 
140 ; consents to co-operate in the 
ccup^itai of Brumtdrt^ 143 ; made 
conwiandant of the Luxembourg 
guard, 145; arrests Gohier and 
Moulin, 146 ; victorious at Hohen- 
linden, 208 ; 248 ; the hope of the 
opposition, 250-1 ; arrested for con- 
spiracy, 257 ; 262, 271 

Moreau (Yonne), president of the 
Council of Elders, iii 355 ; iv. 131 

Moreau de Saint- M^ry, iv. 171 

Moreaux, i. 235 n 

Morgan (General), condemned to de- 
portation in Fructidffr, iv. 87 

Morisson, threatened by Catholic 
peasants, iii. 171 

Moroy, trial of, as Babeuvist conspira- 
tor, iv. 45 

Morris, Gonvemeur, United States 
minister, i. 88 « ; 165-6, 253 

Mortimer- Termutx, ii. 59 n ; iii. 70 

Mossy, Attguste, ii. 43 « 

Moteville, Bertrande de, i. 351 

Moulin (General), i. 235 m, iii. 242; 
Directorial candidate, 360 ; Director, 
361, iv. 126; 128, 136 II, 144; his 
part in the events of Bntmain, 146, 

Mounier, i. 87 ; indirecdy, although a 

monarchbt, undermines the mon- 
archy, 98 s 116, 139 Iff 146; consd- 
tutional propoaUs, 150^ 151, 166; 

his draft constitution, 168, 169; 

proposes two Chambers, 172-3, 174, 

174 n, 176 If, 177 M, 180 ; recommends 

qualified sufiiage, 182 
Mounier, iv. 250 

Mouraille, mayor of Marseilles, ii. 43 
Mouret, points out absurdities of the 

ballot, i. 204 
Mourre, ii. 22011 
Moysset, a Girondist, iii. 41 
Mugnet de Nanthou, author of a report 

on Louis' flight, i. 272, 307 
Muraire, iii. 323 ; president of Council 

of Elders, 354 ; iv. 52 ; condemned 

to deportation in Fructufor, 87; 

State Councillor under the Consulate, 

approves Bonaparte's Constitution, 

Muret^ Th,, iv. 115 n 

Murinais, deported to Guiana in FrucH- 

dor, 87, 87 n 

Musquinet de Saint -F^lix, i. 23511, 

Musset, ii. 222 if ; his letter describing 

the enthusiasm for the Republic 

shown in September, 1793, c>n the 

occasion of reviewing levies, 319 


Naigeon, iv. 223 

Napoleon I., grants pensions toall priests 
accepting the Concordat, iv. 222; 
puts an end to secularisation as 
republican, 224; other fiivours 
granted to Catholicism, 225 ; the 
enthusiasm with which the masses 
rally to him reduces the educated 
republicans to impotence, 257-8, 
251811 ; royalist-clerical opposition to 
the senatus consultus establishing the 
throne, 271 ; his arbitrary method 
of imprisoning opponents, 274, 275 ; 
"Emperor by the Constitutions of 
the Republic," and "by the grace 
of God and the Constitutions," 276 ; 
his tyranny becomes capricious, 277 ; 
279, 290 



Naiboime, i. 351, 36o» . 77 

Nattdon, it. lao u 

Nttttguo de St.-Pftiil, iii. 175 « 

//attfpyt CJk.t concerning the question 
of Banns' alleged treason, iv. 115 

Necker, attempts to persuade Louis to 
repr e s e ntative Government, i. 106; 
his scheme of pacific reform refused, 
134; reads an expurgated report, 
136 ; dismissed by Louis, 140 ; his 
bust carried in procession, 14211, 
143 m; 262 

Nero, i. 223 

NicoUs,Ch.,i. 30811 

Niocfae,L 31611 

NoaiUes (Mme. de), iv. 183 

Noailles (Vicomte de), i 167 «, con- 
demned to deportation in FnuHdor^ 
iv. 87 

Nodier, Charles, partly responsible for 
the term ** GirondisU," iii. 32 

Noel, Louis, L 2351*, 30711; a Giroodist, 
m. 41 

Noustiton, demands universal saf&age, 
i. 184, 185 

Obelin, a Girondist, iii. 41 

CElsner, i. 282 n 

Olivier, i. 223 

Olivier-G^rente, a Girondist, iii. 41 

Orange (Prinoesse d'), i. 347 

Orl6ms (Due d'), i 81 n, 142 «, 143 « ; 
the Ami du piupU states that he 
showed himself to the people as a 
candidate for the throne on the day 
of the King's flight, 275 n ; possibly 
aims at a regency, 283, 28311; 
withdraws owing to distrust felt by 
the people, 284 ; 284 n ; excluded, 
with all Bourbons, from the throne 
or a regency, ii. 61 ; was there an 
Orl6inist party after August loth? 
1 19-120; Marat flatters bun and 
begs from^ him, 120-121 ; takes 
name of Egalit^, 121 ; elected to 
Convention, 1 21-122; did Danton 
or Marat desire to help him to the 

throne? 123, 22211; Ounboo states 
Danton plotted to place OrUans on 
the throne, iii. ii3ii; apparently 
the existence of an Orl^anist party 
after the Due's death was largely 
imaginary, iv. 57, 58 

Orleans (Due d'), the younger, see 
CharUes (Due de) 

Orleans (Duchesse d'), iv. 58 

Orry de Mauperthuy, i. 197 

Ossdin, member of the Committee of 
General Security, ii. 232 

Oudot, member of the Committer of 
Legisktion, iii. 212 is 

Plache, i. 31611; member of Revolu- 
tionary Commune, 75; Minister of 
War, ii. 215; iii. 34; Mayor of 
Pftris, 98 ; leads the sections to the 
bar of the Convention to demand the 
exclusion of the ••Twenty-Two," 
102, 108; ii3»; Cordelier con- 
spiiacy to set him at the head of a 
new Government, 147 ; arrested, 
149; 247 

Pacuvius, iv. 176 

Psganel, iL 202, 222 «, 272 ; iii. 33 », 
son; his account of Brissot, 61 ; 
loi ; proscribed, 324 

Paine, Thomas, i. 84; the effect of 
his '* Common Sense," 112; 25411; 
his letter to SidyH fitvouring a 
repubUc, 293; 295, 347; elected 
four times over to the Convention, ii. 
118; created French dtisen by the 
same, 141 ; member of the Commit- 
tee of Constitution, 161 ; a Girondist, 
ilL 41 ; 46 ; anxious to save Louis' 
lifo, 98; in fitvour of universal 
suffrage, 282 ; proscribed, 324 ; iv. 66 

PaUsne-Champeaux, persuaded to 
abandon Robespierre, iiL 196 

Panis, i. 323 ; ii. 136 ; member of the 
Committee of General Security, 232 ; 
233 ; iii. 75, 83 ; arrest ordered by 
the Commune in TTkirmid^t 200 



PtolitiiL 190 «, I2tn 

Paradis, president of Council of Elders, 

Plir^, ii. 215 

Parent, iv. 69 

F^uris, L 235 M 

Pon^f iii 262 

Pkrrein, ii 57; aoqiiitted in the Babetif 
trial, iv. 45 

Putoret, L 341 ; president of Legisla- 
tive Assembly, 345 ; of Council of 
50O1 iii. 354 ; claims absolute liberty 
of the Press, 374; 377 »; »▼• S*. 

Pftttw, Comeille, created French citizen 

by the Convention, ii. 141 

Pavie, condemned to deportation in 
FructidoTt iv. 87 

Payan, ii. 219 ; appointed national agent, 
til. 149; 188; requests the Com- 
mune to declare itself in insurrec- 
tion upon news of decree against 
Robespierre, 199 ; guillotined, 202 

Pelet (Los^re), president of Convention, 
ti. 223; member of Committee of 
Public Safety, iiL 215 ; objects that 
a Constitution Would be premature, 
270; 274, 324; president of the 
Council of 900, 3541 iv* 170, 205, 
224 If, 26411 

Pdiissier, priest, deported for walking 
abroad in procession and wearing 
vestments, iv. 94 

Pellenc, ii 64 

Pellissier, departmental commissary, 

Peltier, ii. 300 

P^martin, member of Committee o 
General Security, iii 214 

Peni^res, puts forward scheme for 
electing Directors, iii. 303 ; sent "on 
mission," iv. 157 ; member of Tri- 
bunate, 172 

P^pin - D^ouhette, i. 234, 235 m, 
307 n ; member of Committee of 
Legislation, iii. 212 n 

PMs, member of Committee of Legis- 
lation, iii 212 If 

Pericles, the type of ruler conceived by 
early republicans, i. 340, iii. 47 

Vixih^ a Girondist, iii 41 

Perlet, ii 69 if ; speaks of cries of joy 
when the Terrorists were executed, 
iii. 202 

Perrin (Vosges), member of Committee 
of General Security, iii. 214 ; presi- 
dent of Council of Elders, 355 

Perraudf iii. 254 

Pestaloni, N., created a French citizen 
by the Convention, ii 141 

Petiet, Minister of War under the 
Directory, iii. 362 ; State Councillor 
in section of War under the Con- 
sulate, iv. 171 

Petion, i. 183; a democratic leader, 
213; wishes to improve the mon- 
archy, 256 ; escorts Louis XVI back 
to Paris from Varennes, 265 ; 271 
Mme. Roland's statement that 
Petion wras already privately a re* 
publican, 271 m ; 273 ; demands an 
elective executive, 273 if; 308, 316, 
318; elected president of the 
Criminal Court, 324; member of 
the Committee of Constitution, 326 ; 
enthusiasm of the people for, 337 ; 
warns Buzot that the battrgtnsu 
will turn against the people, 349 ; 
Mayor o Paris, 351 if; 353, 362 
suspended from functions as mayor, 
367 ; reinstated, ii. 33 ; 47 if, 48, 
57 M ; 60 ; demands the down£sll of 
the Bourbons, 65 ; retained as mayor 
by the Revolutionary Commune, 75 ; 
80, 93, 144 ; president of the Con- 
vention at the time of the decree 
abolishing royalty, 145-^; member 
of the Committee of Constitution 
(1792), 161 ; 223 ; president of the 
Committee of General Defence, 235 ; 
member of the Committee of Public 
Safety, 236 ; a Girondist, iii. 32, 34, 
38, 41 ; refuses help of royalists at 
Caen, 47; 48; the first of the 
Girondists to claim that death should 
be the £eite of defeated parties, 50 \ 



51 ; did not shun the Federal hatred 
of Paris, 56 ; 66 ; neutral at the 
opening of the Convention, he 
finally turns against Robespierre, 
68; 92; re-elected mayor, re- 
signs, 98; votes for Louis' death, 
99; 102; excluded with the 
*' Twenty-Two " ; escapes, to raise 
civil war; outlawed, 116; found 
dead, 123 

Petit, i. 235 M ; a Girondist, iiL 41 

Petra, i. 23511 

Peyre, L 307 m, 313 ; a Giroodiit, iii. 

Peyssard, ii. 222 «; arrested and tried 

in Frairiaif iii. 246 
Philippe II, iv. 82 
Philippe-Delleville, a Girondist, iiL 

PhiUppe-EgaUt^ (see Ducd'Orl^ans), ii. 
121, 121 «, 122, 298 ; iu. 73, 74 ; 
iv. 57 

Phtlippeauz, ii. 147; arrested with 
Danton, &c., 245, 251 ; an inde- 
pendent, iii. 92 ; decries the Com- 
mittee of Public Safety, 144; arrest, 
trial, and execution, 150, 151 

Pichegni, commandant of Paris in 
Gtrminaiy iiL 244; president of 
Council of 500, 354, iv. 54; 56; 
in communication with the Pre- 
tender, 83, 85 ; condemned to 
deportation in Fructidor^ 87 ; de- 
ported to Guiana, but escapes, 
87 n ; 167 ; joins a royalist con- 
spiracy and is arrested, 262 ; hangs 
himself in prison, 263 

Picquet, ii. 219, 220, 221 n 

Pierachi, Conte di. Papal agent, iv. 

Pierre, secretary to the Committee of 

Public Safety, ii. 240 
Pierret, member of Committee of 

General Security, iii. 21411 
Pierron, iv. 12011 
Pilastre, a Girondist, iii. 41 
Pille (General), ii. 220; Directorial 

candidate, iiL 361 ; iv. 13611 

Pinet, denounces Hispano-royalist con- 

spiiacy, ii. 318 
Pison du Galand, president of Council 

of 500, iiL 355 
Pitt, iiL loi, 135, iv. 185 
Pius VI, dies a prisoner at Valence, iv. 

Pius VII, recognises Louis XVIII as 

King of France, iv. 200 ; enters into 

negotiations with Bonaparte, 206, 

207, 209, 211, 212, 213, 216, 218, 

Plasse, ii. 57 
Pl^ville-le-Pelley, Foreign Minister 

under the Directory, iiL 362 
Pocholle, ii. 2221* 
Poisson, i. 235 n \ president of Council 

of Elders, iii. 355 
Poix, Prince de, iii. 77 
Polignac, Princes, the, join Cadoudal, 

iv. 262 
Polissart, recalled to Legislature, iv. 

Pollart, iii. 342 

Pollet, B., i. 235 ff, iii. 77 n 

JPoiliOf iL 47 M 

Pomiro, sen., iii. 17511 

Pomiro (the American) iii. 175 n 

Pomme, Andr^ demands that the new 

Declaration of Rights (1793) shall 

recognise a Supreme Being, ii. 174, 

iu. 45 
Poncelin, iii. 252 n ; decoyed to 

Luxembouig and thrashed, 381 
Pongeard-Dulimbert, iii. 358 
Pons (Verdun), i. 323; member of 

Committee of Legislation, iii. 

212 m; president of Council of 

500. 355 

Porches, member of Committee of 
Legislation, iii. 212 if ; 346 

Fori, C/lestin,u. 3061* 

Portalis, iii. 323 ; elected an Elder, 
325 1 346 * president of Council of 
Elders, 354 ; condemned to deporta- 
tion in Fructidor, iv. 87 ; fiivours the 
secret and official control of the Press, 
17611 ; present at the new Consular 



court, 182; 205, 216; State and 
Privy Councillor, 237, 265 if, 268 

Portiez (Oise), iit. 342 

Potonnier, ii. 219 

Pottier, Ch., Directorial candidate, liL 

Pothean, i. 235 u 

Pauchet^ (7., ui. 256 if 

Poulain, L 235 if 

Ponllain-Grandprey, president of the 
Council of 500, iiL 355 

Ponltier, ii 222 u; proposes a Presi- 
dent and three Councillors, iii. 302 

Poumier, L 235 if 

Praire-Montaud, condemned to de- 
portation in FructidcTt iv. 87 

Praslin, iv. 265 

Pr^ (de), royalist, holds Lyons, iii. 
1 19 ; upon capitulation cuts his way 
out and escapes, 120 ; chief military 
royalist agent, iv. 50 

Pressac des Planches, iiL 366 

Pressensi (<&), iii. 266 ir 

Prevelle, L 235 if 

Priestley, Joseph, created a French 
citizen by the Convention, ii. 141 
^ Prieur (C6te-d'Or), president of the 
Convention, ii. 224 ; elected to Com- 
mittee of Public Safety, 242 ; 247,' 
248; imprisoned by department of 
Calvados, 115 ; 215 ; iv. 247 

Prieur (Mame), i. 191, 273 ; rallies the 
army of the Ardennes to the Re- 
public, ii. 157; president of the 
Convention, 224 ; member of the 
Committee of Public Safety, 236 ; 
242 ; 247 ; sent as commissary to 
La Vend^, 257 ; iii. 77 if, 169 if, 
209, 215 ; one of the Commission of 
Four of the ist of Prairialf 245; 
escapes before trial, 246; a leader 
of the Rdtnion of the Mankge^ iv. 

131 ; 247 

Projean, iii 355 

Prost, i 299 

Provence (Comte de, see Monsieur %sA 

Louis XVIII), letter to, ii 300; 

lives at Hamm, nursing a reactionary 

policy, 311 ; on death of Louis XVII 
in the Temple assumes title of King, 

Puisaye (Comte de), royalist supporter 
of Louts XVIII, fears and abuses 
young Origins, iv. 57 ; meets other 
agents in London to decide on future 
policies, 110 

Puzin, i. 235 If 

Quatrem^e-Quincy, iv. 56; con- 
demned to deportation, 87 

Queinnec, a Girondist, iii 41 

QtUrard, i. 84 if 

Quinette, ii. 147 ; member of the Com- 
mittee of General Defence, 236 ; 
president of the Council of 500, 
iii. 354; Minister of the Interior 
under the Directory, 363 

Quirot, president of the Council of 
500, iii. 355; a commissary, 367; 
iv. 119 

Rabaut-Pomier, advises the division 
of large municipalities, ii. 182 ; 
222 If ; a Girondist, iii 41 ; member 
of Committee of Public Safety, 
216 If 

Rabaut-Saint-Etienne, proves that in 
1789 there was no republican party, 
i 166; absolutely converted to 
republicanism by Louis XVFs 
treachery, ii. 98; swears eternal 
hatred of royalty, 1 14 ; secretary to 
the Convention, 145; 171* 22211; 
president of Convention, 223 ; 234 ; 
a Girondist, iii 41 ; half a socialist, 
68; portrait of Robespierre attri- 
buted to his pen, 87 ; seeks to re- 
concile Paris and the departments, 93 ; 
votes for Louis XVI's imprisonment, 
98-^ ; arrested with the " Twenty- 
Two," 112; Saint-Just proposes to 
recall him to the Convention, 1 16 ; 
executed, 122; demanded a supple- 



mentary lociftl rerolatkm, lafi, I37> 

laS, 130, 133, 13s 
Rafatnt, jun., iv. 102 
RabusKm-Lunothe, ii. 89, 89 m 
Rambmidt ^-% >• 14^ * 
Rtmel de Nogarett i. 190 ; Minister of 

Ftnanoe under the Directory, vL 

363 ; his dismissal demanded by the 

Legislative Corps, iv. 83 
Ramd, D. V., ii. 184 ; associated with 

the Committee of Public Safety for 

purpose of drafting the Constitution 

(1793)1 339; 240; appointed to 

Committee of Public Safety, iii. 107 ; 

suggests progressive impost as a 

war-tax, 134 ; 196 
Ramel, commandant of the Grenadiers 

of the Legislative Corps, iv. 51 ; 

condemned to deportation, 87 ; sent 

to Guiana, but escapes, 87 n 
Rapinat, iv. 123 
Ratkiry^ i. 98 f» 
Raynal (Abb^), author of a history of 

the American Revolution, L 84, 8411; 

although a monarchist, indirectly 

undermines the throne, 98 
R^, proposes Orleans as regent during 

the suspension, L 184 n ; 286 n ; 

proposes a scheme of taxation, iii. 

135; 3S1 > i^* IM *># I7if 24611 

Rebeoquy, a Girondist, iiL 41 

R^camier, Mme., hostess of a iotirgeois 
salon, iiL 239 

Redon, i 235 n, iv. 171 

RMon-Beaupr^an, Directorial candi- 
date, iii. 359 

Regnaud (Saint-Jean-d'Angely), State 
Councillor under Consulate, iv. 171 ; 
Privy Councillor, 265 n 

Regnault, i. 235 n 

R^gnier, president of Council of 
Elders, ill. 355; proposes, in Bru- 
mairtt that the Councils meet at 
Saint-Cloud and instruct Bonaparte, 
iv. 144-5; 158 ; Chief Justice, i^. 

Reinhard, Minister of Justice, 17011; 
171 ; member of the Council which 

apprafcs Bonapaite's Cop stitutS on, 
237; Privy Coinicillor,j65 If 

Remaaeilles, L 23511 

Remusat (Mme. de), attached to Mme. 
Bonaparte, ir. 244 ; 27511 

Renault, iL 22211 

Renault* C^dle, suspected of the in- 
tention to Idll Robespierre, iiL 190^ 

Renanlt (Ome), iiL 36211 

JTlfMMtVMr, /., his account of the en- 
giavingp of Dttyt issued by the 
Ri99lmHms de Paris, i. 36311 

Rets (Cardinal de), speaks of bearing 
the cry Tie RefmSUc/ in 1649, 82 

Reubell, L 184, 191 ; a FeuiUant, though 
later a democrat, 31611; oppose s the 
electors' tax, 328 ; president of Con- 
vention* ii. 224; member of Com- 
mittee of General Security, iiL 21411 ; 
.of PubUc Safety, 2i6m; Director, 
325> 35^1 3^; iv* 60; in Frwtid^ 
the leaders of the Council of 500 
decide to impeach him and two other 
I^uvcton, 85 ; 123 ; replaced by 
Si^y^ 135 ; the advanced republicans 
seek his death, 128 

Reverdioa, member of the Comnuttee 
of Genend Security, iiL 21411 

Reynaud, a departmental commissary, 

Ribereau, a Girondist, iii. 41 

Richard, member of the Committee of 
Public Safety, iii. 215, 215 11 

Richard, sen., L 320 

Richer de S^risy, iiL 240^ 251 is, 377 

Richou, a Girondist, iii. 41 

Richou (Eure), advises the Assembly 
to capitulate (on June 2nd), iii. 

Rioord, involved in the Babeuf con- 
spiracy, iv. 39; acquitted, 45 

Riou, president of the Council of 500, 
iiL 354 

Riouffe, member of the Constitutiona] 
Club, iv. 36 

Rivarol, warns politicians against the 
people, L 15011 



RivAnd, a Girondist, iii. 41 ; elected to 
the Coundl of Elders, 341 

Rivery, a Girondist, iiL 41 

Riviere (Marquis de), arrested as an 
accomplice of Cadoudal, iv. 263 

Roberjot, ii. 222 »; member of Com- 
mittee of General Security, iiL 214 n 

Robert, Fran9ois, his character, i. 221 ; 
his journal, 221 n ; a republican in 
1790, 223 ; 223 u ; publishes a volume 
on Re^mbluanism adapted ta Frmue, 
223; federates the People's Clubs, 
237; president of the ''Fraternal 
Society of the Two Sexes," 234; 
335 ; taking a republican petition 
from the Cordeliers to the Assembly, 
is arrested, 281, 281 n; released, 
282 ; the Jacobins refixse to join the 
Cordeliers in demanding the Repub- 
lie, 282 ; 304, 312 II ; draws up another 
republican petition, 313 ; in hiding, 
321, 32iif; objects to the term 
*' Federals," ii. 50 ; his journal pro- 
poses the suspension of Louis until 
the end of the war, 56; 56111; a 
member of the Revolutionary Com- 
mune, 75 ; the RivohUions (k ParU^ 
said to be edited by him, demands 
the RepuUic as the only means of 
saving France, 95; elected to the 
Convention, loi ; a member of the 
Jacobin Committee of Constitution, 
163; draws up a petition justifying 
the Jacobins, 76; iv. 119 

Robert, Louise (Mme. Robert), marries 
Robert, t 221 ; co-edits the Mercurt^ 
221 n; Mme. Roland's account of 
her, 222 ; foundress of the republican 
party, 222 ; 222 n ; the party has its 
rise in her saUn, 225 ; admitted to 
the "Fraternal Society," 235 ; takes 
the name of Sister Louise Robert, 
336 ; 250; opposed by Mme. Roland, 
254, 254«; 255; her saltm, 259; 
323 ; ii. 100 M 

Robespierre, a monarchist in 1789, i. 
86 ; seeks to improve the monarchy, 
164; 169; a worshipper of Rousseau, 

180; upholds universal sufin^ 184, 
18411, 185; 187, 187 «, 1921*, 194; 
a democrat leader, 213 ; 215 n ; states 
that the King is the delegate of the 
nation, 218; 220; recognises in- 
equality of wealth as a ''necessary 
evil," 230 ; 237 ; leads the campaign 
against the property qualification, 
239; eulogises the people, 210; 
influence of this speech, 21011, 211, 
211 ft; 246, 256, 261 ; demands an 
election to decide Louis* &te, 273 ; 
278, 308 ; denies that he is either a 
republican or a monarchist, 309; 
S^ffS^on, ^11, ^im, ^16 ; elected 
Public Prosecutor, 324 ; 327 ; wel- 
comed with delirious enthusiasm by 
the people (with Petion), 337 ; fore- 
sees that war will mean loss of 
liberty, 332 ; 336 ; induces Desmou- 
lins to help him to fi^t the republi- 
<^>^03> 35^ i 359 i &vours constitutional 
monarchy, 360, 361 ; ii. 3411, 39; 
indoctrinates the Federals at the 
Jacobins, 49; still a constitutional 
royalist, 50; 51; demands Louis' 
suspension, 53, 53 n ; 54 «, 59 ; a 
member of the Revolutionary Com- 
mune, 75 ; 91 ; hb conversion to 
republicanism begins, 97 ; 99, 100, 
icon, loi, iiifi; protests against 
the candidature of Orleans for the 
Convention, 122 ; denounces a plot 
in fiivour of Brunswick, 124 ; demands 
universal sufirage once more, 127 ; 
people fear a triumvirate of Danton, 
Marat, and Robespierre, 136 ; Bar- 
baroux declares that Panis stated he 
should be Dictator, 136 n ; 140, 
143, 160, 163 ; a member of the 
Jacobin Auxiliary Committee of Con- 
stitution, 163 ; 175 ; his femous 
declaration of the right to work, 176 ; 
professes to be a socialist, 177 ; 178 ; 
preaches decentralisation, 179; 189, 

^90* I93f I94» 195 » abandons his 
socialistic ideas, 198 ; his dictator- 
ship feared, 202 ; 209 ; president of 



CooTOitioii, 233, 339; 235; on 
the feoood Committee of Genenl 
Defence, 236; 239; 00 the Com- 
mittee of Pablic Safety, 242, 246 ; 
248, 249, 251 ; directs the section 
of GeneiBl PoUoe, 253; 266; 
wishes to weaken the Commone 
by means of the Committees 
of Surveillance, 268; becomes the 
terror of the Convention, 283 ; 
makes use of the Revolutionary Tri- 
bunal to rid himself of his personal 
enemies, 286; deprives aocuaed of 
counsel, 286 ; founds a Popular Com- 
mission at Onnge, 288 ; 288 h ; his 
triumph in the Convention, iii. 31 ; 
Buzot and Petion forsake him, 38 ; 
reproaches the Girondists as atheists, 
43 ; his pietism, 44 ; accepts tbe 
" civil religion " of Rousseau, 45 ; 46 
his dreams of a Spartan republic, 47 
turns Paris against Roland, 57 ; 64 
irritated by Gcnsonn^, 65 ; 67, 68 
he defines the Mountain, 71 ; 73, 74, 
78, 79 ; disowns Marat, 80 ; his 
popularity as the apostle of democ- 
racy, 85 ; believes the people to be 
reasonable and virtuous, 86 ; 86 n ; 
his egoism, 87 ; slanders the Giron- 
dists, who deride his pontifical airs, 
88; 88m, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93> 94; 
Louvet accuses him, 96 ; 97, 99t 102, 
107 ; his excuse for the insurrection 
of June 2nd, 112 ; Ii3ff, 114; »▼» 
the 75 Girondists who sign the 
protest against the arrest of the 
" Twenty-Two," 121 ; appean a 
socialist from policy, 131 ; in oppo- 
sition to Danton and Hubert, 144 ; 
146 ; 147 ; having destroyed the 
H^bertists, decides to attack Danton, 
H9> 150 1 protests against anti- 
religious violence, 164; pretends 
that athebts are foreign agents, 165 ; 
"Reply to the manifestoes of the 
Kings, &c.," 166; furthers a decree 
ratifying the liberty of worship, 167 ; 
at the height of the dechrist- 

laniiing movement piepaies to intro- 
dnoe the cult of the Supreme Beii^, 
173; t79» iSi, 182; presents his 
religious project, 183, 184, 185, 186, 
187, 188, i88if, 189 ; C^dle Renault's 
supposed attempt 00 his life, 190; 
regarded geneimlly as a tyrant, 192 ; 
except by the people, 193 ; the vic- 
toiy of Fleurus proves the futility of 
his bloodthirsty methods, 194 ; the 
Terror depends on him, 194-5 > the 
conspiracy ha t ched, 195 ; Banasreads 
a report censtiring further severities, 
195 ; Robespierre's reply, 195-^ ; be 
demands the pui]g^tion of the Com- 
mittees and denounces many members 
of Convention, re-reading the speech 
before the Jacobins, 196; the Con 
vention declares itself permanent, 
decreeing the arrest of Hanriot : cries 
of " Tyrant ! " 197 ; refused speech 
and accused; his arrest demanded, 
198 ; arrested, 199 ; refused entrance 
to the prisons, he escapes to the 
HAtel de Ville, 200 ; found wounded, 
201 ; guillotined, 202 ; 207, 208, 
20911, 222, 223, 224, 228, 230, 231, 
23*. a35f 236. 237, 238, 252. 254, 
a69» 295, 302, 312, 313, 346 ; iv. 
38, 118. 139, 251, 254, 259, 278, 

Robespierre, jun., frees peasants im- 
prisoned on account of their religion, 
u. 259; iiL 83, 112; his humanity 
"on mission," 179; asks to share 
his brother's fete, 199 ; attempts 
suicide, 201 ; guillotined, 202 

Robespierre (the sister of), granted a 
pension by Bonaparte, iv. t88 n 

RoHn^ L.yV 167 II 

Robinet, Dr., author of a life of Danton, 
iiL 91 

Robois (de), L 23511 

Rocheoot (de), iv. 51 n 

Rochegrede (de), ii. 222 n 

Rocquain^ /*., iv. 171 m 

Roederer, L 187 ; fevours qualified 
suffrage, 193 ; moves that the King's 



name be omitted from the form of 
oath, 268 ; 269, 270 If, 271 II ; elected 
judge, 324 ; elected procuiator-gene- 
ral-syndic by the democrats, 340; 
writes in support of the Republic, ii. 
98; ignores the fact in later life, 
98 If ; present at meetings of the 
Girondist party, iiL 33 ; 127, 276 ; 
iv. 13411; present at the famous 
meeting between Bonaparte and 
Si^y^t 159; 1 60 If; Councillor of 
State, 171; 17511; &vours secular 
instruction, 194; 203, 205; recom- 
mends a plebiscite on the question 
of the life-Consulate, 230 ; 232, 237 ; 
Privy Councillor, in fiivour of the 
Empire, 263 

Rohan (Cardinal de), L 199 

Roland, L 222 », 280; selected by 
Louis to form a ministry with Du- 
mouriez, 353 ; 355 ; ii. 45, 57 ; dis- 
missed by Louis, is recalled by the 
Assembly, 73; 94, 120, 150, 153 
Minister of the Interior, 215 ; in- 
herits Danton's influence, 216 ; 217 ; 
makes the Executive Council un- 
popular, 218; 235; iii. 33,34; often 
assisted or represented by his wife, 
37, 38; his responsibility in the 
September massacres, 51 ; 52, 5311 ; 
writes against the preponderant in- 
6uence of Paris, 55, 55 if ; falls from 
power in attempting to prevent this 
sute of ai&irs, 57 ; 58, 59, 67 ; de- 
mands a Guard for the Assembly, 
92 ; 94 ; expelled by the Jacobins, 
97; his pamphlets burned by the 
Commune, 98 ; forced to resign, 100; 
a refugee on June 2nd, 112; kills 
himself at the news of hb wife's 
death, 122 

Roland (Mme.), still a monarchist : her 
account of Mme. Robert, i. 222 ; 
222 If; finally joins certain of the 
clubs, 23s ; attacks the bcurgeoisiet 
238; republican by instinct, 254; 
254 If; 263, 27111; converted to 
republicanism by the King's flight, 

VOL. rv. 


280 If; states that Danton recom- 
mended a regency, 283 ; 300, 310 if , 
312 If ; the Roberts ask her to shelter 
them, 321 n ; opinion of the Con- 
stitution, iL 641*; 16311; ^®' con- 
tempt of the Constitution of 17931 
201 ; her place in the Girondist 
party, iU. 32 ; 32 if ; her preponder- 
ant influence, 37 ; her influence over 
and love of Buzot, 38; the idol of 
her party, 39; 46, 47. 4*. 49. 49 «. 
52, 54, 56, 57 ; Guadet the tool of 
her hatred, 63; her character, 65; 
her fiiLStidious and partial judgment, 
66 ; Buzot her mouthpiece, 67 ; 87 ; 
initiatrix of the campaign against 
Paris, 92; imprisoned by the Com- 
mune, 112; guillotined, 122; iv. 
Romme, member of the " Commission 
of Six," ii 171, 172 ; president of 
Convention, 223 ; iii. 83 ; imprisoned 
when commissary, 115; taxes the 
wealthy, 143; a dechristianiser, 
158; tried after the fiunine riots of 
Prairial, commits suicide, 246; iv. 

131 « 
Roncy (de), i. 235 11 

Rondelet, ii. 221 if 

Ronsin, head of the " Revolutionary 
Army," executed with the Hebert 
&ction, iii. 148 

Ross^e, president of the Council of 
Elders, iiL 354 

Rossignol, iL 57; member of the 
Revolutionaiy Commune, 75 ; in- 
volved in the Babeuvist conspiracy, 
iv. 39; absent from the trial, is 
acquitted, 45 ; deported, 187 

Rouault, a Girondist, iiL 41 

Roug^, leads royalist troops against 
Toulouse, iv. 113 

Rouget de Lisle, author of the Mar- 
itillaiu^ iL 47; the success of his 
" Hymn of Revenge," iv. 135 if 

Rousseau, J. J., believed in republican- 
ism only for small countries, i. 83, 
95; by democracy he means "the 



middle order," xia ; Hean the popa- 
Iftoe, 131; Maimt's admiration of, 
164 ; against miivenal wffirage, 179 ; 
could not have been an elector or 
eligible vaada qualified snffirage, 189, 
198; 228, 286, 298, 306, 326, 348; 
it 137 ft; his influence on Mme. 
Roland, iiL 38; 43; Robespierre 
borrows his " civil religion,*' 45 ; 78, 
88, 184, 189; his remains removed 
to the Panthfon, 238; iv. 164; 
honoured by Theophilanthropists, 69 
Rousseau, elected to the Cotmdl of 
Elders, iiL 341; president of *he 

same, 354 

Roussel, iiL 367 

RoussiHn d$ Sami-AOimy iv. 127 

Rouz (eZ'Abb^), iiL 129 

Rous, Jacques, declaims furiously 
against financial jobbery, iii. 132 

Rouz (Hante-Mame), ii. 222 n ; mem- 
ber of the Committee of Public 
Safety, itL 215 m 

Rouz-FaziUac, letters firom concerning 
the continual practice of Catholicism, 
iiL 172 ; 366 ; chef de iurtam in 
charge of correspondence with the 
commissaries, 36811 

Rouyer, a Girondist, iii. 41 ; iv. 7811 

Rouzet, a Girondist, iiL 41 ; demands 
female but not universal sufiiage, 
290-1; suggests four legislatures, 

Rov^re, ii. 222 n; president of Con- 
vention, 224; member of the Com- 
mittee of General Security, 231 ; 
speaks of pillage on the part of 
*< patriots," 272; iiL 214 m; 325; 
deported to Guiana in FrucHdor^ iv. 
87 ; there dies, 87 n 

Rcvigo {Due de)t iv. 263 m 

Roye, L 235 n 

Royer, L 318 m; iL 22211; active in 
the CathoUc revival, iii. 266; de- 
fends the coup iPitat of Brumaire 
firom the pulpit, iv. 198 

Royer-Colhud, L 17211, 195 n; defends 
the Catholics, iv. 82 

Royan,L 289ff, 31411 

Rodmbob (Dr.), L 204-5 

Ruamps, member of the Committee of 
General Security, iL 231 ; advises 
confiscation of property of the very 
wealthy who will not contribute to 
the defence of Fnmce, iiL 13^; 
arrested in Germinal^ 244 

Ruanlt, a Girondist, iiL 41 

Rtthl, ii. 190 ; president of Convention, 
223; member of the Committee of 
General Security, 233; of Public 
Safety, 236; puUidy breaks the 
holy phial on the statue of *' Louis 
the Sluggard,^ 320; iiL 2131*, 
21411; tried after the femine riots, 
commits suicide, 246 

Rumare, iv. 54 

Rntledge, a Cordelier oimtor, L 228; 


Sadous, i. 235 n 

Sadouse, t. 235 n 

Sagmatiy Pk^^l 23811 
j Saint-Felix, arrested after the aflair of 
the Champ de Mars, i. 320 

Saint-Huiuge, an agitator of the Palais 
Royal (royalist), L 164 

Saint-Just, a monarchist at the outset, 
i. 86 ; in 1793 accuses Girondists of 
royalism, ii. 70; a member of the 
Jacobin " Auxiliaiy Committee," 
163 ; in 1793 has federal ideas, 179 ; 
yet wishes Paris to be strong, 182; 
a member of the Committee of Public 
Safety in May, 1793, ^^ ! president 
of Convention, 223 ; 239, 242 ; con> 
tributes by his presence to the 
victories of the armies, 247; 248, 

^53* 257* ^3* 294 ; as anxious to em- 
bellish the Republic by culture as the 
Girondists, iii. 47 ; not yet a Robes- 
pierrist in 1792-3, 91 ; member of 
the Committee of Public Safety, 107 ; 
his report on the Girondists, 116; 
his report on moidicity, 137 ; return- 
ing from the seat of war, sup- 



ports Robespierre, 146 ; Robespierre 
strikes at Danton through Saint-Just, 
150; persuades the G>nventio& to 
put the "amalgam" *'out of de- 
bate," 151 ; 192 ; opens the session 
of the fetal 9th of Tkermidor, 197 ; 
arrested, 199; takes refuge in the 
Hdtel de Ville, aoo; re-arrested, 
201 ; guillotined, 202 ; 207, 209 n 

Saint-Martin, iii. 303 

Saint-Martin- Valogne, a Girondist, iii. 

Saint-Pierre, Bemardin de, i. 348; 
a Tbeophilanthropist, iv. 69 

Saint'ReiU TaillandUr^ i. 157 n 

Saint- R^jant, author of the plot of the 
'* infernal machine" of the rue 
Saint-Nicaise, iv. 185 ; executed, 188 

Saint-Simon, a manuscript of his seized 
by the police, iv. 258 n 

SairU'Beuve^ reference to the Giron- 
dists, iii. 49 

Saladin, a Girondist, iii. 42 ; denounces 
four leading Terrorists on behalf of 
a Commission, iiL 242 ; 324 ; sen- 
tenced to deportation in Fructidor^ 
iv. 87 

Saliceti, a democrat, secedes from the 
Jacobins to the Feuillants, i. 316 

Salle, also secedes, i. 316; demands 
that the calendar shall date from the 
taking of the Bastille, il 151 ; 180; 
attends the ''Valaz^ Committee," 
iii. 35; a Girondist, 42; 68; his 
outlawry demanded by Saint-Just, 
116 ; guillotined in Bordeaux, 123 

Sallengros, demands a rectification of 
departmental frontiers, iii. 304; a 
State messenger under the Directory, 

Salm (Prince Emmanuel de), i. 279 
Salmon, a Girondist, iii. 42 
Sambat, iii. 77 n 
Samuel (the prophet), dted by Tom 

Ptdne, t 1 12 IT 
Sanadon, ii. 222 n 
Santerre, enrols 2,000 National Guards, 

L 27s ; 313 ; accused after the afiair 

he Champ de Mars, 320, 323; 

meets the Marseillais at the head of 

the National Guards, iL 47 
Santies, i. 320 

Sapinaud, a royalist insurgent, iii. 249 
Sardanapalus, Mme. Roland compares 

Danton to^ iiL 66 
Saunier, L 235 n 
Saurtne, ii. 22211 ; a Girondist, iii. 42 ; 

member of the Catholie Society^ 266 
SauMay^ iv. I39f» 
Savory t iL 306 n ; a Girondist, iiL 42 ; 

president of the Council of 500, 

Savoye-Rollin, iv. 246 n 

Sch^rer, Minister of War under the 

Directory, iii. 362; Reubell suffers 

through his unpopularity, iv. 123 
Schiller, created a French citizen by 

the Convention, ii. 141 
Sdoutf Lud,t iv. 95 n 
Sdpio, iv. 181 
Smiles, Gabriel, iL 301 « 
Siguier, defends the parliaments, L 

105 If 
Scguin, ii. 222 n 
S^gur, sen., iv. 182 
Seignoiast L iiiif 
Sentiet, J., i. 30711 
Sergent, L 247 ; aids in drafting the 

petition that Louis' flight shall be 

counted as abdication, 311 ; 323, 

340; placed under supervision) iv. 

Serre, a Girondist, iiL 42 
Servan, iL 57 n ; Minister of War, 73 

94, 124, 158 ; ii. 215 
Servi^re, iiL 366 
Sevestre, member of the Committee of 

General Security, iii. 21411; State 

messenger, 355 
Seytres, iL 43 « 
Siblot, iiL 175 
Sicard, Abb^, Iv. 76, 201 
Sidney, his name a household name in 

France, L 11 1, 356 
Si^y^, monarchist, L 85 ; 98 ; proposes 

a Declaration of Rights, 150; dis- 



tinguishes between active and passive 
citixens, iSi ; fitvoun two Chambers, 
278 ; the onde of the middle classes, 
293; 294, 295, 3ai. 3«4; wishes to 
change the dynasty, ii. 64 n ; 83 ; 
member of the Committee of Consti- 
tution of 1792, 172, 222 If ; president 
of Convention, 224; member of the 
Committee of General Defence, 235, 
236 ; iiL 216 fi ; member of the Com- 
misaon of Seven, 273, 274; of 
Eleven, 275 ; 275 n ; hopes to avoid 
the deadlock of two hostile Chambers 
by making both elective, 296 ; pro- 
poses a Constitutional Jury, 297, 
298 ; nominated Director, declines 
the post, 325; president of the 
Council of 500, 354; elected Di- 
rector in the year VII, 360, 361 ; 
hostile to the Directorial policy, iv. 
125 ; prepares for the realisation of 
his constitutional schemes, 127 : 
dreams of being Elector of a new 
republic, 128; 1341* ; Bonaparte 
and Si^yte plot together, 140 ; pre- 
pares for the coup ttitai^ 146, 147 ; 
the coup etitaif ending in the Con 
sular Commission with Si^y^ as a 
provisional Consul, 149-150; 154, 
155 ; discusses the new Constitution, 
158 ; Bonaparte overrides him, 159 ; 
159 n ; 160 ; Bonaparte's Constitution 
a parody of Svhfh^^ 162; assists in 
appointing the Senate, 171, 172, 
187 Hy 236, 247; believed to have 
voted against the Empire, 266 

Sijas, iiL 342 

Silius Italicus, iv. 176 

Sillery, ii. 22011 ; 157 ; a Girondist, 42, 
43 ; one of the ** Twenty-Two," 121 

Simeon, president of the Council of 500^ 
iii. 354, 380 ; iv. 87 

Simon (General), iv. 249 

Simond, iL 222 n 

Simonne, states that a deputy is the 
mandatory of the people in general, 
li. 129 

Smits, J. J., i. 221 » 

Sobry, a precursor <^ Theophilan- 
thropy, iv. 66 

Socrates, a deist, iii. 184, iv. 69 

Solon, iv. 249 

Sonthonaz, iiL 44 

Sotin, Minister of Police under the 
Directory, iii. 363 ; ordered to pro- 
tect the Theophilantfaropists, iv. 70 ; 

Soubeyran de St -Prix, a Girondist, iiL 


Soubrany, iL 222 «; executed during 

the reaction after Prairialy iii. 246 ; 
iv. 131 n 

Sotthait, Julien, strongly in &vour of 
universal suffiage in the year III, 
iii. 282-3 

Soulignac, a Girondist, iiL 4a 

Souvaroff, iv. 112, 127, 142 

Spina (Mgr.), iiL 25911; represents 
the Pope in Paris during the pre- 
liminaries of the Concordat, iv. 206 

Spol, iiL 77 II 

'Sta^l (Mme. de), hostess of a bourgeois 
republican JoZvfv, iiL 239; iv. 84, 
i8x If, 182 If ; a hostess of the 
Opposition, 248; 249; deported 
from Paris with Benjamin Constant, 

Stofflet, rebel (Catholic) leader, iL 
307 : captured and shot, iv. 47 

Suard, iii. 383 ; sentenced to be de- 
ported in FructidoTt iv. 87, 176 

Suar^, L 124 if 

Sttrian, i. 235 if 

Suflmnet, royalist conspirator, iv. no 

Sylla, i. 233 

Taine^ i. 261, iL 273 

Talhouet (Mme. de), attached to Mme. 
Bonaparte, iv. 244 

Talleyrand, L 152, 324; Minister of 
Foreign Afiairs, iii. 363 ; iv. 128 ; 
takes part in the conspiracy of Bm- 
tnaire^ 141 ; 144 ; Foreign Minister 
under the Consulate, 169 ; 182 ; dis- 



approves of the Concordat, 207 ; a 
spy with a footing in both camps, 
247 ; 260 ; Privy Councillor, 265 n 

Tallien, i. 271 n; a member of the 
Revolutionary Commune, 75 ; 121 ; 
member of the Committee of General 
Security, 231; iii. 75; 118; pre- 
cipitates matters on the 9th of 
Thermidor, 197; his arrest ordered 
by the Commune, 200; member of 
the Committee of Public Safety, 
209 ; 215 II ; 216 n ; 222 ; recalled to 
the reopened Jacobin Club, 224; 
becomes a leader of the "gilded 
youth '* to destroy the power of the 
ex-Terrorists, 237, 240, 270 

Tallien (Mme.), hostess of a bourgeois 
sahn^ iiL 239 

Talot, iiL 379 ; iv. 1 19 ; ejected rom 
the Legislature in Brumaire, 150; 
sentenced to imprisonment, but 
merely placed under surveillance, 
156 ; 187 

Tarb^, Directorial candidate, iii. 359 ; 
iv. 54 

Target, suggests amendments to the 
Declaration of Rights, i. 150, 152 ft 

Tarquins, the, i. 252, ii. 52 

Tassart, i. 235 n 

Taton Lacreusade, iii. 175 if 

Taveau, State messenger, iii. 355 

Teniers, i. 365 

Terral, iii, 278 if, 366 

Tenasson, i. 312 if; proposes Feder- 
alism at the Jacobins, iL 137 

Terrier, ii. 38 ^ 

Terrier de Montciel, i. 300 n 

Tess^(Mme. de), mentioned by Gouver- 
neur Morris as a republican hostess, 
i. 8911 

Theiner ( Father), prefect of the Archives 
of the Vatican, iv. 225 if 

Thymines (Bishop of Blois), a " refinac- 
tory," claimed in 1828 to be Bishop 
of all France, iv. 212 

Th^t, Catherine (nicknamed " the 
Mother of God *'), ii. 245 ; Robes- 
pierre's enemies seek to compromise 

him by her trial, iii. 195 ; Robes|nerre 
accuses Vadier of engineering the 
afiair, 196 ; 198 

Th^ry, refused election as an anarchist, 
iv. 120 

Thibaudeau, describes delirious enthu- 
siasm with which the National As- 
sembly received Louis XVI, i. 82; 
president of Convention, ii. 224; 
member of the two "Government 
Committees," 214 n, 21611; 222; 
complains of corruption of revolu- 
tionaries by hostesses of bourgeois 
salons^ 240 ; 251, 272, 273 ; a mem- 
ber of the " Commission of Eleven," 
275 ; states that the Commission 
decided to put aside the Constitu- 
tion of 17931 276; 28511; opposes 
" graduality," 292 ; &vours the bi- 
cameral system, 295 ; his account of 
the debates upon the supreme execu- 
tive, 301 ; method of electing the 
Directory, 302 ; 309 ; gives instance 
of Directorial corruption re elec- 
tions, 337 ; president of the Council 
of 500, 354; a constitutional re- 
publican, iv. 56 ; 96, 170, 181 ; as 
prefect of the Gironde, complains of 
the decay of the civil religion, 196-7, 
an anecdote of the Concordat, 220 ; 
221 If ; 230 n ; his account of the 
response of the Senate to the pro- 
posal of the Empire, 265-6 ; 269 if 

Thtbault (Abb^), i. 190; ii. 222 if ; 
eliminated from the Tribune, iv. 

Thiers, first to use the term " Giron- 
dists," iii. 32 

Thirion, publicly bums the hearts of 
Henri IV and Marie de Medicis, ii. 
320 ; j66, 367 

Thiry, Etienne, fraudulently represents 
himself as a departjnental commis- 
sary, iL 362 

7:i^/iif,i. Ii8if 

Thomas, Saint, i. 124 if 

Thomas, iv. 94 

Thom^, rumoured to have received a 



dagier-thnist intended for Bona- 
parte dttiing the im^ ^Hai of 
Brumairtt iv. 148 

Thouret, his toffirage scheme, L 183, 
197, 326, 328 

Thuiiot, a member of the Jacobin 
"Auxiliary Committee," ii 163, 
170; critic of the Declaration of 
Rii^ts, 182, i88» 190, 193 ; presi- 
dent of Convention, 223; 23811; 
resigns from the Committee of Public 
Safety, 242 ; assisu in the downfidl 
of Robespierre, 198; member of the 
Committee of Public Safety, 209, 
215 n ; recalled to the Jacobin Club, 
224 ; arrested during the food riots 
of Germinal, 244 

Tiberius, L 223 

Tissier, arrested after the aflatr of the 
Champ de Mars, L 320 

Tissot, ii. 220if, iii. 342; accused of 
Babeuvism by the Conservatives, 
iv. 120 II ; 144 

Topino-Lebrun, condemned to death 
for hostility to Bonaparte, iv. 

Tom^(de), iL 22211 

Toulongeon, iL 105 is, 158 

Tmrmuxt Mtmria^ L 891*, iv. 42 

Toumie, i. 235 «, 3601s 

Toumier, a Girondist, iii 42 

Toumon, a colleague of the Robert- 
K^lio group, i. 221 n 

Toussenel, L 346111 

Toutin, iv. 12011 

Trajan, Louis XVI compared to. by 
Desmoulins, i. 87 

Tr^houart, ii. 258 ; iii. 324 

Treilhard, president of Convention, iL 
223 ; member of the Committee of 
Public Safety, 238 ; retired, 239 ; iii. 
209, 215, 216 «; president of the 
Council of 500, 354; elected a 
Director, the election finally de- 
clared invalid, 360; iv. 126; Privy 
Councillor, 265 n 

Tronchet, iii. 346; president of the 
Council of Elders, 354 

Tronsoo-Duoondray, deported to^ and 
dies in, Guiana, iv. 87 

Truguet, Minister of Marine and 
Colonies under the Directory, iii. 
325 ; his dJCTiiOTal proposed by the 
Legislative Corps, iv. 83 

Turenne, iv. 181 

Tuigot, i. 83 ; his conception of gradu- 
ally developed self-government, 106 ; 
123, 262, 391 ; Hubert regrets that 
Louis did not follow his advice and 
save the monarchy, ii. 94 

Turpin-Criss^ (Mme. de), a royalist 
agent of Loois XVIII, iv. 114 

Turquet de BCayeme, ii. 72 n 

Turreau, iii 205 


Uhich (ex-Abb^), i. 23511; « Theo- 
philanthropist, iv. 69 

Vachard, one ol the drafters of the 
Jacobin petition of July 17, i. 313; 
Mme. Roland's honor of, iiL 65-6 

Vadier, president of Convention, ii. 
223 ; member of the Committee of 
General Security, 233; 245; pro- 
ceedings against after Tkermidar^ 
249; signs the Jacobin address de- 
fending Marat, 83 ; prominent in the 
a&ir of Catherine Thtot, 196; his 
arrest ordered by the Commune, 
200; 21311; denounced after the 
Terror, 242 ; his deportation decreed 
in Girmimal, 244; involved in the 
Babeuf afiair, iv. 39 ; acquitted, 45 ; 
recalled to France, 167 ; 247 

Valas^, a member of the " Commission 
of Six," n. 171 ; the •* VaUs< Com- 
mittee,'* iii. 35, 36; the principal 
host of the Girondists, 37 

Valence, ii. 106 

Vall^, a Girondist and ex-priest, iii. 
42 ; deported for '' killing patriots " 
in the civil war, iv. 94 



Vanieville, ii. 221 u 

Vardon, member ol the Committee of 
General Security^ iii. 21411; State 
messenger, 355 

Varlet, drafter of a petition demanding 
the dethronement of Loais XVI, ii. 
60 M, 66 ; a Girondist, iii. 42 ; pub- 
lishes a socialistic "declaration," 

Vaublanc, in &vour of property suffrage, 

iii. 281, 295 ff ; obtains a law pro- 
hibiting clubs, 372; a constitutional- 
ist, iv. 56 ; advice to Bonaparte, 231 

Vaugeois, Gabriel, ii. 54#» 

Vauvilliers, sentenced to deportation 
after Fructidor^ iv. 87 

Venaille, departmental commissary, iii. 

Vergennes (Mme. de), iv. 182 
Veigniand, a monarchist at the outset, 
i. 86; 340, 345, 352; the "day" of 
July 20th, 364; denounces the 
treachery of Louis (July 3rd), 366 ; 
confers with Louis and attempts to 
persuade him to lead the Revolution, 
ii. 64; 66; receives Louis in the 
Assembly on August loth, 69, 69 » ; 
in view of his report the Assembly 
suspends the King, 69-70; Marat's 
attack upon, loon; fiuls to secure 
election to the Convention as deputy 
for Paris, loi ; secretary, 145 ; 
member of the Committee of Consti- 
tution, 161 ; favours a secular De- 
claration, 174; 180; president of 
Convention, 223; of Committee of 
Public Safety, 236 ; the first Com- 
mittee in £iivour of an understanding 
with the Girondist leaders, 239 ; iii. 
32, 33, 34; outside Mme. Roland's 
influence, 38 ; 42, 43 ; not an avowed 
atheist, 45 ; attitude toward the 
SepiembenrSt 51-2 ; his federalism, 
54 ; his love of Paris, 56 ; an orator 
rather than a leader, 61, 62; political 
influence, 63 ; 64 ; 66 /r ; votes for 
Louis' death, 99; 103; the struggle 
between him and Robespierre on 

May 31st, 109; arrested as one of 
the *' Twenty-Two," 112; 1 16 ; trial 
and execution, 12 1-2; 184, 232; 

Virmaul^ i. 209 n 

Vemerey, speaks of his welcome on 
arriving in Allier to free peasants 
imprisoned on religious grounds, iL 
260; of the manner in which the 
clergy have abused the law by im- 
prisoning parishioners for non- 
attendance at Mass, 271 ; iii. 172 ; 
his success as a " dechristianiser," 


Vernier, L 328 ; president of Conven- 
tion, ii 224; a Girondist, iiL 42; 
member of the Committee of Public 
Safety, 216 » ; 346 ; president of 
Council of Elders, 354 

Verri^res, accused after the afihir of the 
Champ de Mars, i. 319, 320 

Veycer, accused of a pretended con- 
spiracy and shot, iv. 188 

Veyrieu, iii. 366 

Viaud, i. 229 

Vidal, r., ii. loi n 

Vidal, jun., admitted improperly to the 
rights of an active citizen, i. 204 

Vidalin, complains of royalist mscrip- 
tions in 1793, iL 318 

Viellart, Directorial candidate, iii. 359 

Vienot- Vaublanc, sentenced to depor- 
tation in FrucHdoTy iv. 87 

Viger, a Girondist, iii. 42 ; 43 ; one of 
the " Twenty-Two," 121 

VilUr, ii. 222 n 

Villaret-Joyeuse, sentenced to deport- 
ation in Frtutidor^ iv. 87 

Villers, president of the Council of 
Soo. iu. 354 

Villetard, demands, with Le Gendre, 
that the copy of the 1793 Constitu- 
tion be replaced in the Convention, 
iii. 271 ; claims that the people 
should choose the executive, 303; 
claims that pending the elections of 
the year IV the Directory should 
appoint ofBdals, 345 



Villette, ii. 222 n 

VinoeDt, L 361 n ; a Giroodist, ill. 42 ; 

147; tried and executed with the 

Hubert Action, 148 
Vincent, Saint, iv. 69 
Vinchanx, a Swiss, delegate of the 

petitioners of July I4tb, L 3081* 
Virieu, fitvours property suffinget i- 

189. 193 
ViteUius, L 87 fi 

Voidel, Charles, an Orl^anist, ii 12011, 
iv. 58 

Volney, iv. 223, 226 

Voltaire, his ideal a benevolent reform- 
ing despot, L 83 ; no republican, 93, 
94« 95^*1 99; dechristianises polite 
society, 119; lines from Brutus 
adapted, 277 ; a fnend of Cordoicet, 
341 ; ii. 62 M ; iii. 43, 78 ; his religion 
imported from England, iv. 66 ; free 
thought un&shionable, iv. 203 

Vosgien, i. 345 

Voulland, in fiivour of State Catholicism, 
i. 154 ; a Feuillant, though a demo- 
crat, 316 ff ; president of Convention, 
ii. 223 ; member of the Committee 
of General Security, iii. 2x3 n 


Wandelaincourt, ii. 222 n 
Washington, the Brissotins accused of 
seeing in La Fayette a Washington, 

'^ 356* 356'* ; ii- 1 36* 13611 ; created 
a French citizen by Convention, 141 ; 
iv. 69; Bonaparte perhaps for a 
moment dreams of emulating, 157 ; 
orders Washington's statue to be 
placed in the Tuileries, 181 

Watier, 1.235 ft 

Westermann (General), supporter of 
Danton, iii. 1 16 ; executed with him, 


Wilberforoe, William, created a French 
dtixen by Convention, iL 141 

Williamflt Dftvid, L 254*; created a 
French dtizen by Convention, ii. 
141 ; influences the Committee of 
Constitution, 163 »; 173; a pre- 
cursor of Theophilanthropy, iv. 66 

Williams, Helena Maria, gives an 
account of the Girondists, iii. 54 

Willot (General), a royalist, iv. 54, 56 ; 
an agent of the Pretender, 83 ; de- 
ported in Fructidor^ but escapes, 
87, 87 n 

Wimpffen, i. 169$ France a "royal 
democracy," 172, 172 n; tries to 
win over the Girondist rebdlion to 
royalism, ii 47 

Wurtemburg (Due de), makes peace 
with the Republic and cedes his 
territory on the left of the Rhine, 
iv. 49 

York (Duke oQ, suggested as a 
French king, ii 62, 86; the idea 
angers the people, 90 ; 96, 123 ; the 
news spread that he has been called 
to the throne, 124 ; 125, 315, 317 ; 
iv. 58 

Ysabeau, ii 222 n ; a oommissaxy, iii 
118; member of the Conunittee of 
General Security, 214 n; elected 
an Elder, 325 

Yam de Valady, ii 222 m ; a Girond- 
ist,ui. 42 



Su also Ckronokigual Summariis 

kwnwtXnMnm, poHHcaly achiai^ or aitempied-^l Marat, ii. 84 ; attempted, of 
Robespierre, iii. 190; attempted, of CoUot d'Herbois, iii. 190; of Feraud, 
iii. 245 ; attempted, of Bonaparte, iv. 185. 

InamUliMk the FrmncuU—Coadorcet's hixh in, i. 85 ; two established, 107 ; 
twentjr in operation in 1788, 109. 

llMBitdy, tks QmsHiuent or Natumal—\\& monarchical enthusiasm, i. 80 ; 
promised by Louis XVI in 1787, 108 ; Louis commands the nobles to join, 
139 ; at a deadlock with the King, 141 ; delivered by the people of Paris 
in insurrection, 141, 142; speaks as a sovereign body, 143; declares the 
feudal system abolished, 144 ; the new oath, 145 ; organises the monarchy 
on a bourgeois basis, 146 ; suspends the monarchy, 266 ; puts Louis under 
a guard, 269; wishes to preserve the monarchy as a defence against 
democracy, 305 ; petitioned to consult the nation as to Louis' fitte, 306, 
307 ; division of after July 14, 316 ; attempts to stifle democracy, 331 ; 
replaces Louis on the throne, 332. 

AwMMy, the Z/^Ai/ttv-— establishes univeraal sufinge and democracy, i. 79; 
meets in 1791, 338; represents the hourgeoisU^ 339; its functions to 
preserve and superintend the operations of the Constitution, 339; its 
composition affected by Louis' flight, 339, 340 ; verifies its powers, 343 ; 
no democratic or republican majority, 346 ; decrees that all non-constitu- 
tional clergy must take the new oath, 351 ; learns of the King's treason, 
366 ; forced to treat him as an enemy, ii. 31, 32, 33 ; hopes he may choose 
a patriotic ministry, 57; again suspends the King, 71, 72; establishes 
nniversal suffiage, 77, 78; delivers Louis to the Commune and im- 
prisonment, 84; decides that a National Convention shall pronounce 
upon the form of Government to be adopted, 86; pronounces against 
royalty, 87. 

CMilm, /A«— L 28, 128 fi, 129 ff, 130 ; also see Translator's Pre&ce. 

fliinp>1gm, Invasions^ rebellions, dr'r.— war declared on the King of Hungary, i. 
353 f the campaign, 366 ; invasion of France by Austria and Prussia, ii. 
83, 84 ; the war in La Vend^, 306-9 ; iii 107 ; the Civil War, 107, 114, 
115, 117-ao, 247, 248; further trouble in La Vend^, iv. 47-9; the 
German Campaign, 49 ; the Italian Campaign, 49 ; Chouannerie suppressed, 
brigandage is rife, iii ; Jourdan defeated, 125; 127 ; expedition to Egypt, 
139 ; the victories of Brune and Mass^na, 140 ; pacification of La Vend^, 
166 ; war with Austria and the victory of Marengo, 184; royalist brigandage, 



Tkg CMSriiwrr— democndc, i. 223 ; becomes openly repabUaui, 276- 
81 ; but dnws back temponrily, 289. 
Tkg FemUatUs^eooaangfiB Louis to defy the Legislative Assembly, 

i- 351- 

Tie FraUmai {of both i«Mf>— influence of, L 233. 

The Jacobin (ami affUiaUd ^/«3f)— middle-dass, L 233--7; still mon- 
archical at the time of Louis' flight, 279 ; secession from, 316 ; converted 
to republicanism, ii. 102-5 ; demands direct sufiirage, 127, 128 ; its 
Auxiliary Committee of Constitution, 163 ; reception of the Constitution of 
I793f i^ ; 365 ; iii. 75 ; enthusiasm for Robespiene, 196 ; affiliations 
prohibited, 224 ; its fisll, 225 ; democratic republicans known as Jacobins, 
iv. 37 ; attempt at reorganisation, 131. 

TTu PiopU^s Clubs or Popular SoeUHos-A, 233-7. 

OommlssariM, the — ^ii. 253-63; manifestations of anti-royalism, 319-A1; their 
efibrts at dechristianisation, iii. 157, 264; Directorial, ilL 367-9. 

OommlttM, CrM/no/, of Federals— \\. 54. 

Oommlttosa, ^CmxA'/M/wii— that of 1789, i. 139 ; the second of 1789, 146; that 
of 1790, 326 ; that of 1792, ii. 161-71 ; composition, 161 ; dissolved, 
171 ; the Commission of Six appointed, 171 ; the CommissiQn of Seven, 
iiL 273 ; of Eleven, 274. 

Oommlttosa, the Govemmenial : 
Qsnaaral OomiiiltUs^ Um— ii. 241. 
OamiilUM of Qsnanl Dvftaot, Um— ii. 234-6. 
OamiiltlM of Qsnaaral loonrltj, tho— ii. 231, 232 ; composition, iiL 214 ; 

hatches the conspiracy against Robespierre in Thermidor, 195. 
OommiUso of PaUlo Sttfli^, ttio— instructs de S^chelles to draw up a Consti- 
tution, iL 185 ; is to direct the Government, 218, 283 ; creation of, 237 ; 
243, 245 , 246-53 ; the second Committee, iiL 131, 144; triumphant over 
its enemies, 149, 209-12, 213, 217. 

Oomillittosa, 0/ Surveilianee, or ike Reoolutwm u y i L 267-73 \ th«^ downfidl, 
iii. 224. 

OonmraaiSb of Farts, /A«— Manuel and Petion suspended, L 367 ; reinstated, iL 
33 ; the Revolutionary Commune, 75, 76 ; henceforth a powerful rival ot 
the Convention, 76 ; declares against royalty^ 9s, 93 ; awtumfi a predomi- 
nant attitude, iii. 103-7; i^ insunectioo, 108-11 ; victorious, 112; 
crushed by the Committees, 149 ; destroyed, iiL 228. 

Ooooordatk the—vr, 198, 204-27. 

Oonstltatlons : Amencat^ ihe-A. iix-17; established a property suflBrage, 123, 
Of 1791, />U— debates upon, i. 168-76; organises the bourgeoisie as a 
privileged class, 179-95; its revirion postponed, 329; employed and 
adapted by the Revolutionary Government* iL 213. 
Of ITM^ the—u, 159; not applied, 160; the Committee of Constitution, 161 ; 
its preparation and completion, 161-207; proclaimed, 206, 207; post- 
poned until peace, 210; ma.y be revised by a special Convention, 168; 
de S^helles' scheme, 185, 190-2 ; the Constitution conridered, 199 ; its 
later adventures, 200, 201 ; impossible of execution at the time, 201 ; 
suspended, 210, 211, 269. 


CkmstttatlOBi — continuid : 

Of ttM yMur in : pr Diruioriait th§--n, 159 ; suppresses demociacy and uni- 

▼ersAl suffrage, iii. 379; 285, 293-525 ; application of, 326-92. 
Oonmlar, the^ or rftiU ytar Vlll-'^hit schemes of Si^is, iv. 143 ; he Is 
requested to produce a plan, 158 ; Daunou drafts a scheme, 159; Bonaparte 
dictates one, 159, 160; the Constitution, 160-4; the plelrisdte for its 
acceptance, 165. 
or ttM yMur i^ or the Life-ComulaU—vf. 237. 
Unpoial, /i^iv. 274. 

Oonralatab tiU Prooisiomal^iy, 151, 154; policy of, 155-7; the Consuls, 163, 
169 ; defends the principle of the secular State, 194 ; the Coooordat and 
the religious policy, 204-27. 

Oomnilatab the DecemnuU-^v, 229. 

Oiwiinlafb the Lifi — the Senate solicited by Bonaparte to offer it to him, iv. 229 ; 
suggested by the other Consuls, 231. 

OottVVBtiOiii, ike /iatioHaI''^\tcdaD8 to, ii. 99-102; character of, iii ; its man- 
date, 115; 119; creates eminent foreigners French dtiiens and elects 
some as deputies, 141 ; constituted, 144-6 ; decrees royalty abolished, 
148; decrees the Republic, 152; its constitutional labours, 16 1-2 10; 
orders proposals for a Constitution to be printed, 170; begins once more 
to construct a Constitution, 170, 171 ; debates on the same, 174-84 ; 
adopts part of de S^chelles' plan, 188 ; orders a plebiscite, 203 ; danger 
of dissolution during war, 209; the Constitution suspended and the 
Government declared revolutionary until peace, 210; lays hold of the 
executive power, 217, 220 ; presidents of, 223, 224 ; 225 ; 225-30; overruled 
by the Commune, iii 112; the H^bertists destroyed, 148; the Dantonists 
destroyed, 150; fidl of Robespierre, 192-202; disowns the Terror, 241 ; 
sees in democracy the continuation of the Terror, 278 ; creates Commissions 
of Constitution, 273-5 7 members to sit in the new Councils of the new 
Constitution, 319. 

OOBnaQ, Provisiomai ExeeuHve^ iJke, of 1792— ii. 73 ; Danton its effective head, 
74; 214, 217; placed under the Committee of Public Safety, 244; 
abolished, 245. 

OmneU of State— iv. 158, 164, 17a 

OonaoOi, tlu Dirutorial: of the Five Huttdred—iSL 292, 299, 350, 351 ; presi- 
dents of, 354, 355 ; 358. 377, 380 ; repeals laws against Catholics, iv. 82 ; 
in opposition to the Directory, 83. 
Cf Eiders, the—m. 292, 299, 350, 351 ; presidents of, 345, 355 ; 358 ; 
repeals laws against Catholics, iv. 82 ; opposes the Directory, 83. 

Oonpi d'tet— Louis XVFs intended coup, L 265; the Girondist coup at 
Lyons, iiL 108; the Montagnard in Paris, 108; that of the 9th of 
Thermidor, 192-202 ; that of the i8th of Fructidor, 383-5, iv. 86-9, 115 ; 
of the 30th of Prairud, 127 ; of the i8th of Brumaire, 133 ; indirectly the 
consequence of the Austrian War, 141 ; preparations for, 143 ; 144-53 1 
amasement at, 153. 

IMIazattoB of Independence, the Americam — ^its influence, i. 1 13-17. 

l>i€iMr>tlOM of Fighis—^heX of 1789, drafted by La Fayette, i. 140 ; ratifies the 
monarchy, 146; debates on« 146-62; the Girondist declaration of 1793, 
i. 165; de S^helles', 197; the Girondist and Montagnard declarations 
compared, 198 ; that of the year III, iiL 310. 


(see /Vir/fi^j)— opinion held of by the eis^teenth-oenturyphilosopheni 
L 119-35. 

DlTMtory, /i^— iii. 299-309i 3^2, 325, 350, 358, 359-^5 ; destroys the freedom 
of the Press, 383-5 ; new oaths instituted by, iv. 29, 30 ; inimical to 
Catholicism, 60; its Decadal policy, 62-4; laws against Catholics, 
75-82 ; the cffMp <Fitat of Fructidar^ 86 ; religioas policy under, 89-109 ; 
decrees a levy €h masst^ 129. 

Btoettom, principal-^ 1790, i. 323 ; of 1791, 324 ; to the Legislative Assembly, 
329 ; to the National Convention, ii. 99-102 ; to the Directory (year 
III), iii. 319, 322-5, 328, 359-^5; of the year IV, 331, 345, 347 ; of 
the year V, 331, 338, 347, 348, 349, 359, 372; of the year VI, 331, 
338. 349. 359. iv- "7 ; of the year VII, iii. 331, 349, 359, 387 ; of the 
year VIII, 331 ; of the year IX. iv. 170-2 ; of the year X, iv. 19a 

Bmpirs, thi — suggested after Cadoudal*s conspiracy, iv. 264, 265 ; plebiscite as 
to its acceptance, 269, 270 ; proclaimed, 271. 

Brtftto, tlu 7)lin/— elected by almost universal sulinge, L 128, 129 ; the Court 
hopes the delegates will quarrel, 132, 133 ; its sense of solidarity, 133 ; 
grows bolder, and proclaims itself the National Assembly, 136. 

BrtalM a«ii«ral, tk§ — ^what was hoped from them, i. 128. 

Inmxraottoiu—the taking of the Bastille and delivery of the National Assembly, 
i. 141-2 ; the feudal (provincial) insurrections, 144 ; the King brought to 
Paris, 176 ; the afiiur of the Champ de Mais, 307-14 ; the rising of June 
20, 1792, 361-5 ; of August loth, ii. 67-70 ; the Revolutionary Commune, 
75, 76 ; in La Vend^, 307 ; the September massacres, 50-3 ; 74-7 ; the 
Montagnard insurrection of May 30th, iii. 108 ; the 9th of Tkirmidor, 
199-202 ; the insurrection of Germitutl (year III), 244 ; of Prairial^ 
245 ; the 13th of VmtUmiain^ 251 ; of the 12th of Germinal demand- 
ing " Bread and the Constitution of 1793," 273 ; in La Vend^, Poitou, 
and Indre, iv. 47-9 ; in Card, 109 ; royalist risings organised by Louis 
XVIII, 1 12-14. 

LiglilfttlY« Oorpi, thi—\v. 162, 163, 172 ; its powers restricted, 253 ; 272. 

MOnardbj, the — suspended, i. 266 ; ideas of changing the dynasty, 288, 347 ; its 
destruction demanded, ii. 91 ; communal movement against, 46 ; reports 
of new dynasties, 86, 87, 90, 120 ; rumours of change, 217 ; Louis XVIII 
puts his £iite to the test, iv. 1 12, 1 14. 

ParlUmttiti, tke—xht quarrel between the Crown and the Parliament of Paris, i. 
100-3 ; the parliaments wish to preserve the stains gtm^ 106 ; they bring 
about a state of anarchy, 100. 


Tk€ DantoHists — iii. 92, 144 ; their destruction, 15a 
The Democratic — ^formation of, i. 212-17 * i^ attack on the property 
suffrage, 225 ; 247, 256 ; stimulated by the affair of the Champ de Mars, 
315 ; demands the Constitution of 1793, iii. 270 ; iv. 122, 

Th€ Girondist — ^iL 161 : fails to impose a Constitution on Paris, 184 ; its 
-.organisation and composition, iii. 31-70; statistics of, 41-3; its fear of 
Paris, 55 ; arrest of the leaders demanded, iii ; decreed, 112 ; the leaders 
tried and executed, 121-2. 

Tfu Hibtrtist—vx, 144 ; destroyed, 148. 


PMTtiat cotUinued : 

The M<miagnard—m, 71, 92; in insurrectioiii loS ; victorious, 112, 

The Republican — did not exist in 1789, L 80, 163-8 ; birth of, 217-25 ; 
247, 266; attack upon, 273; starts propaganda, 290-9; in the pro- 
vinces, 299-305 ; brought into power l^ the war with Austria, 354 ; rein- 
forced from the provinces, ii 39 ; finally united in the struggle against the 
royalists, 202 ; 247 ; iv. 31-3 ; the bourgeois or Directorial republicans, 
33 ; Bonaparte's persecution of, 185 ; in opposition during the Consulate, 

The Royalist-^n. 296-321 ; iii. 247, 374 ; iv. 31-3 ; the Royalist Peril, 
iv. 47 ; royalist agents, 50, 51, 52 ; the Orl^anists, 57, 58 ; in opposition 
during the Consulate, 258. 

The Socialist i ctnd Socialism — ^unorganised, L 226-31 ; iL 132-5 ; iiL 
132-44 ; the Babeuvist conspiracies, iv. 37-46. 

FteblflOltt*— that of 1793, ii. 203-7 ; for the acceptance of the IMrectorial Con- 
stitution, iii. 319; of the year VIII, for the acceptance of the Consular 
Constitution, iv. 165 ; unfairly taken, 165, 166 ; for the acceptance of the 
life-Consulate, 231-5 ; for the acceptance of the Empire, 269, 270. 

B«]mb]lo, ihe — established by Convention in 1792, i. 79 ; unthought-of in 1789, 
84, 88, 163 ; 273, 287 ; denounced by Robespierre in June, 1792, 361 ; 
Marseilles the first commune to demand it, ii. 44 ; hastened by the '' Day " 
of August loth and proof of Louis* treason, 82-4 ; hesitation at using the 
word, 91 ; demanded by a great part of France, 108 ; but the word still 
regarded with doubt, 122 ; decreed by Convention, 152 ; its reception, 
154-^ ; its organisation, 159-210; the Republic dead, iv. 236, 277. 
American, the — i. 11 1-17. 
English, th&—\. III. 
Greeh republics, the — ^iii. 47. 
Roman, the — L III. 

S«T<avtioiiary Oownunant, the — decreed, iL 210; what it was, 211 ; 253, 
264, 273-7 ; decadence of, iii. 203 ; attacked by the Press, 233-9 1 
report on means of terminating the Revolution, 315. 

Bcnatfl^ the Conservative^iv. 162, 163, 171, 272. 

BaSnge, the feminist — demands for, i. 231-5. 

Solfiragv, the property — i. 183-95; first trial of, 203; opposition to, 209-11; 
struggle against, 238-47 ; made more exacting, 322 ; in practice, 
323, 324; debates upon its revision, 326-9; extended to all *' active 
citizens," 328 ; system of the year III, 283, 289, 328 ; Bonaparte's indirect 
system, iv. 238-42. 

Soffirage, tfmo^rfo/— established by the Legislative Assembly, i. 79 ; demanded 
vainly in 1789, 192-4 ; by Marat, 197 ; 198-203 ; established by the 
insurrection of August 20, 1792, ii. 78, 79 ; in the elections to the Conven- 
tion, 109; as determined by the Constitution of 1793, 1 66-8; de 
S^helles' Constitution based upon, 199; suppressed by the Constitution 
of the year III, 279, 285. 

TttCTor, the — ii. 277-92 ; provisional in character, 293, 294 ; lasting elements of, 
295 ; reaction against, 239-47. 


Tnnnr, tk§ Uster or bomrgtois o/rygr—i. 321. 

Tnnnr, tk§ Wkit§—m. ao;, 248. 

TMals and€X€eutiaHs,fomoms~-6[ Louis XVI, ii 299-302 ; of the Girondists, iiL 
121 ; of the H^bertistSt vol 148 ; of the DantODists, iii. 150 ; of the 
Tenorists, iiL aoa ; of Rfihl, Romme, &&, 246 ; of the Babeavists, iv. 

IMboaAl, l4# Rno ha i mmj v l 285, 286 ; its decay, iiL 231 ; reorganised, 232 ; 

snppcesiedi 232. 

MlNUUrteb /i#— dm suggested by Si^r^ in I795i iii* 997 ; the Consular body, 

IT. 162, 163, 172 ; daiei not oppose the Empure, 266-7 > 373-7- 

PS t946 

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